Counterterrorism
Time to get strategic on terrorism? Seda Gurkan
NATO Review, April 2008, online article NATO is already
making a major contribution to tackling terrorism. So why does it
need a strategy for combating terrorism? Could it really make such a
major positive difference? Seda Gurkan feels that it just might.
NATO has the tools and a goal but lacks a vision and a sense of
purpose - in other words, a strategy for fighting terrorism.
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Can Sanctions Stop Proliferation? Shen Dingli. The
Washington Quarterly, Summer 2008, pp. 89-100. In
contemporary international relations, sanctions are a means of
settling disputes and attaining specific policy objectives, often
employed to reflect the dissatisfaction of certain members of the
international community over another member's domestic or
international behavior. Some argue that sanctions never work,
whereas others think that they serve to moderate undesirable
behavior, although often not entirely effectively. In recent years,
sanctions have been imposed against the Democratic People's Republic
of Korea (DPRK) and Iran to compel these regimes to give up their
nuclear weapons or suspected nuclear programs. How effective have
these sanctions been, and what do these cases say about China's
evolving attitudes toward sanctions as a nonproliferation tool?
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Is counterterrorism good value for money? Bjorn Lomborg.
NATO Review, April 2008, online article Global terrorism is
cheap, requires little manpower, captures the world’s attention and
gives the weak the ability to terrify the strong. Is there any way
to beat it? Here Bjorn Lomborg sets out some of the cost problems -
and offers some possible solutions. To be effective,
counterterrorism measures must either make all modes of attack more
difficult or reduce terrorists’ resources.
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Image and Identity
ALL THE WORLD'S A
STAGE. Andrew Kohut and Richard Wike, The National Interest,
May/June, var. pages. "'Simply put, America’s image in much of the Muslim world remains
abysmal.' With the deepening and unrelenting challenges we face in
the Middle East, how much has America’s image in the Muslim world
declined? And what can we do to reverse the trends? What an analysis
of the polling numbers says about America’s reputation."
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HOMELAND INTERESTS, HOSTLAND POLITICS:
POLITICIZED ETHNIC IDENTITY AMONG MIDDLE EASTERN HERITAGE GROUPS IN
THE UNITED STATES. Kenneth D. Wald,
International Migration Review, Summer 2008, pp. 273–301."Why
do ethnic diasporas in the United States differ in their readiness
for political mobilization on behalf of homeland interests? This
study develops a tiered model of politicized ethnic identity
emphasizing both individual-level traits and group/collective
properties. Using Zogby 'Culture Polls,' the theory is tested on
three Middle Eastern heritage groups in the United States (Jews,
Arab Christians, Arab Muslims)."
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Multicultural Society/Immigration
ECONOMIC (IN)SECURITY: THE EXPERIENCE OF
THE AFRICAN-AMERICAN AND LATINO MIDDLE CLASSES. Wheary,
Jennifer, Shapiro, Thomas M.; Draut, Tamara; Meschede, Tatjana.
Demos: A Network for Ideas & Action and The Institute on Assets
and Social Policy at Brandeis University, 2008, 24p.
This recent report released in February 2008 looks at the
economic problems faced by African-Americans and Latinos. The report
was created by the Demos organization and researchers at Brandeis
University, and it finds that one in four African-American and fewer
than one in five Latino middle-class families in America are
financially secure.
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HOW TO GROW A GANG. Matthew Quirk. Atlantic Monthly, May 2008, pp. 24-25.
By deporting record numbers of Latino criminals, the U.S.
may make its gang problem worse, says Quirk, staff editor at The
Atlantic Monthly. Using the Salvadoran gang MS-13 as an example,
Quirk notes that Salvadoran police report that 90 percent of
deported gang members return to the United States, and many use
their free trip south to bring others back with them upon their
return.
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RACE, IMMIGRATION AND AMERICA'S CHANGING ELECTORATE.
Frey, William
The Brookings Institution, February 28, 2008, 31p. "One of the most profound changes in America’s demography
this century will be its shifting race and ethnic makeup. The rise
of immigration from Latin America and Asia, the higher fertility of
some minorities and the slow growth of America’s aging white
population will have profound impacts on the nation’s demographic
profile, with important implications for the electorate. The
significance of these changes on identity politics, new racial
coalitions and reactions to immigration have already been seen in
the 2008 presidential sweepstakes. Yet, these shifts are only the
tip of the iceberg of what can be expected in future election cycles
as Hispanic, Asian, and Black Americans make up ever larger shares
of the electorate. This report discusses the shifts playing out in
2008, but with an eye toward what they will mean in the future." William Frey is a Senior Fellow at the Brookings Institution's
Metropolitan Policy Program and a Research Professor at the
University of Michigan Population Studies Center.
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Elections 2008
THE CASE FOR KEEPING THE ELECTORAL COLLEGE.
Walter Berns, American Enterprise Institute (AEI), April 7,
2008, 2p. "Debate over whether to keep the Electoral
College or move to a system of direct popular election of the
president is a hardy perennial of the presidential election season.
In this article, the eminent constitutional scholar Walter Berns
reminds us of the arguments in favor of the Electoral College and
dissects the proposals of those who would nullify it without having
to abolish it." Walter Berns is a resident scholar at AEI.
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CHANGING THE US ELECTORATE. ARE
DEMOGRAPHIC TRENDS RESHAPING US POLITICS? Alan Greenblatt. CQ
Researcher, May 30, 2008, pp. 459-480. Demographics
have played nearly as large a role in this year's presidential race
as health care, war and the economy. The Democratic field has come
down to an African-American man dominating voting among blacks, the
young and highly educated voters and a white woman winning older
voters, Hispanics and the white working class. Regardless of whether
Barack Obama or Hillary Clinton is the nominee, the Democratic
candidate's first order of business will be reuniting party
supporters against Republican John McCain. Many trends favor
Democrats, including increased support among Latinos and voters
under 30.
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HOW COULD JOHN MCCAIN WIN IN
NOVEMBER? HISTORY VERSUS CIRCUMSTANCE IN THE GENERAL ELECTION.
Sabato, Larry J. Crystall
Ball'08 - Election Analysis, April 17, 2008. "Based
on 220 years of precedent, a McCain win would be a striking
repudiation of American history, since no presidential candidate of
a two-term incumbent party has ever been elected under this set of
severely adverse conditions." Larry J. Sabato is the Director of
the University of Virginia's Center for Politics.
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PLANNING FOR THE FUTURE: LONG-TERM CARE
AND THE 2008 ELECTION. David G. Stevenson. New
England Journal of Medicine, May 8, 2008, pp. 1985-1987. The author argues that
the presidential candidates should be better addressing the nation’s
growing long-term care needs. About 10 million people in the U.S
need constant assistance completing basic daily activities such as
eating, bathing and dressing – and that number will only increase as
baby boomers age.
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Foreign Policy and Public Opinion
COLD WAR, PUBLIC OPINION, AND FOREIGN
POLICY SPENDING DECISIONS: DYNAMIC REPRESENTATION BY CONGRESS AND
THE PRESIDENT. Daniel G Cox and Diane L Duffin, Congress &
the Presidency, Spring 2008, pp. 29-52. "Conventional
wisdom before the Vietnam War held that public opinion exerted no
influence on U.S. foreign policy decisions. Scholars working in
Vietnam's aftermath found episodic influence of public opinion on
foreign policy, but missing in our understanding were longitudinal
examinations of public opinion's influence on foreign policy. A
number of post-Vietnam scholars subsequently revealed a long-term
relationship between public opinion and defense spending. This study
extends that work by analyzing responsiveness to public opinion in
different foreign policy arenas by different government
institutions, and by accounting for a critical variable not relevant
in most previous studies: the end of the cold war."
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THE NEW POWERHOUSES:
THINK TANKS AND FOREIGN POLICY. Howard J. Wiarda, American Foreign Policy Interests,
March 2008 , pp. 96-117. "In the course of testing the hypothesis that the think tanks that
play an important role in American foreign policymaking may well
become further instruments of the divisiveness, fragmentation, and
disarray that now characterize American foreign policymaking, this
analysis not only explains what think tanks are and do but also
provides a fascinating history of how American foreign policymaking
has evolved since the post-World War II era, highlighting steps that
have led to its outsourcing and privatization."
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THE REALIST TRADITION IN AMERICAN PUBLIC
OPINION. Daniel W. Drezner et al. Perspectives on Politics,
March 2008, pp 51-70. "For more than half a century, realist
scholars of international relations have maintained that their world
view is inimical to the American public. For a variety of
reasons-inchoate attitudes, national history, American
exceptionalism-realists assert that the U.S. government pursues
realist policies in spite and not because of public opinion. Indeed,
most IR scholars share this 'anti-realist assumption.'"
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US Foreign Policy and Asia
THE STRATEGIC IMPORTANCE OF CENTRAL
ASIA: AN AMERICAN VIEW. Stephen Blank, Parameters, Spring 2008,
pp. 73-87. "Undoubtedly Central Asia's strategic importance
in international affairs is growing. The rivalries among Russia,
China, United States, Iran, India, and Pakistan not to mention the
ever-changing pattern of relations among local states (five former
Soviet republics and Afghanistan) make the region's importance
obviously clear. Central Asia's strategic importance for Washington,
Moscow, and Beijing varies with each nation's perception of its
strategic interests."
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AMERICA'S PLACE IN THE ASIAN CENTURY.
Kishore Mahbubani, Current History, May 2008, pp. 195-200.
"The moment has come for fresh US policy on East Asia. This should
be priority number one for the new president. No country did more
than the United States to spark the rise of East Asia. But
paradoxically, America is among the countries least prepared to
handle the rise of East Asia. Evidence of this will likely stream in
as soon as a new us president assumes office in January 2009."
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Foreign Policy and the Candidates
THE ACCIDENTAL FOREIGN POLICY. Matthew
Yglesias, Atlantic Monthly, June 2008, var. pages.
"How an early gaffe and an excruciatingly long primary season helped
Barack Obama find a distinctive voice on foreign affairs. For many
Democratic insiders, the seemingly endless primary season has become
a sore subject; they believe the length of the contest will hurt the
party’s chances in November. We’ll have to wait and see if that
happens, but it’s worth noting that as the campaign has gone on, it
has produced more than just acrimony. It’s produced a meaningful new
approach to foreign policy as well—the first substantial alternative
to George W. Bush’s policies that has entered the political
mainstream since 9/11, and one whose airing should be welcomed not
just by Democrats but by all voters."
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FUNCTION FOLLOWS FORM. Dana H Allin,
Survival, Apr/May 2008, pp. 247–254. "Allin discusses
the various views of Obama, Clinton, and McCain about the different
political issues. These issues include foreign policy, Iraq war, and
national security. Allin asserts that Obama, like Clinton, has
surrounded himself with 'national security Democrats'--nationalist
liberals--and there is indeed every indication that he is one
himself. But when the moment comes to choose between war and peace,
between intervention and restraint, there could be wisdom in
choosing restraint. Obama indicates that he might do so. So, for
that matter, if either becomes president, could Clinton or McCain."
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THE MCCAIN DOCTRINES. Matt Bai,
New York Times Magazine, May 16 2008, var. pages.
"Senator John McCain’s support for the war in Iraq, informed by his
experience, is lonely but unwavering. Whatever their disagreements
on policy, United States senators, even in today’s hyperpolitical
climate, are reluctant to impugn one another’s motives or
integrity."
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