Financial
Crisis
Why Banking Crises Happen.
Hans-Werner Sinn. The International Economy. Summer 2008,
pp.60-61. After the 1982 debt crisis, the savings and loan
crisis in the United States in the late 1980s, and the Asian
financial crisis of 1997, the subprime mortgage crisis is the fourth
major banking crisis since World War II, and by far the biggest. The
International Monetary Fund, the G7, or a joint U.S.-European body
could be the right forum for determining new rules for financial
markets aimed at enhancing the efficiency and stability of the world
economy.
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Worse Than It Seems.
Dean Starkman. Columbia Journalism Review, May/June 2008.
pp. 21-23. Drilling down to the rotten
foundation of the economic crisis with the economy apparently
already in recession, gas prices near record levels, food prices
rising, and inflation generally gaining momentum, economic issues
are moving to the center of the presidential campaign. Political
reporters have been forced to learn the financial crisis on the fly,
while business reporters have had to learn to speak to an
ever-growing audience. The boom in subprime mortgages only really
happened in the last few years, when people were allowed to borrow a
lot of money, often based on adjustable mortgage rates that go up
when other interest rates go up, and on top of that, they pay very
high prices, so the value of their home is down.
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The Oil-Dollar Link.
Philip K Verleger Jr. The International Economy, Spring
2008. pp. 46-50. The relationship between the dollar's
exchange rate and oil prices has been debated now for decades.
Oil-exporting countries justified their first round of price hikes
to $10 per barrel in late 1973 by blaming global inflation and the
falling dollar. Oilexporting countries again blamed the weakening
dollar for the second major round of price increases in 1978. Eight
years later, the dollar's resurging value was cited as a cause of
the 1986 price decline. More recently, oil prices and the dollar's
exchange rate have seemed to move as one.
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America and
the World
Facing a Post-American World. Fareed Zakaria. New
Perspectives Quarterly, July 2008, pp, 7 - 12. American-led
globalization has enabled the third great powershift of the last
five hundred years—the "rise of the rest" following on the rise of
the West and then the rise of the US as the dominant power in the
West. When China, India, Brazil, Turkey and the rest sit at the
table of global power with the West what will the world order look
like? Will it be post-American? Will it be culturally non-Western,
but play by the same rules of an open international order laid down
by the American's after World War II?
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America and the World. Bruce Stokes; Shada Islam; Klaus
Naumann. Yale Global, September 2008. n.p. The US
and Europe – firm allies throughout the 20th century – now differ on
many issues, global security in particular. This YaleGlobal series
analyzes the European-American relationship and points to areas of
fracture.
US
candidates for president can’t please world opinion -
No
longer a solid ally for the US, Europe is split on dealing with
resurgent Russia -
Though
in troubled waters, the US-European alliance remains indispensable
STRATEGIC
COLLABORATION: HOW THE UNITED STATES CAN THRIVE AS OTHER POWERS
RISE. Nina Hachigian and
Mona Sutphen, The Washington Quarterly, Autumn 2008, pp.
43–57. "The United States is about to enter its first presidential
transition since the September 11 attacks. In January 2009,
President-elect John McCain or Barack Obama will face a radically
different world than the one that George W. Bush inherited. Beyond
the instability in the Middle East, several large, assertive
powers—-China, India, and Russia—-have reemerged on the world stage.
Two others, the European Union and Japan, remain strong and are
going through their own transitions. This strategic environment is
unlike any the United States has ever encountered. This new
landscape poses risks but also offers opportunities for the United
States if it takes advantage of the moment."
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America and the EU
Russia and the EU: Strategic
Partners or Strategic Rivals? Margot Light. JCMS,
2008, Annual Review pp. 7–27. Well before 2007, some Russian
analysts had diagnosed ‘a systemic crisis’ in
the Russian–European Union (EU) relationship. To some
western observers, by 2007 the disputes between Russia and the EU
indicated
that relations had reached ‘a critical juncture’, or seemed to be
‘grinding to a halt’. This article argues that, despite the
conflicts that divide the EU and Russia, the relationship has
neither succumbed to systemic crisis and nor has it ground to a
halt.
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But What Does it Mean for NATO? Robert Farley. The
American Prospect Online, August 2008, n.p. The war
between Russia and Georgia, on the heels of a NATO refusal to “fast
track” Georgia’s application for membership, has reignited the
debate over the wisdom of extending NATO to Russia’s borders.
Realists on both the right and the left suggest that the war is a
predictable reaction to NATO’s intrusion into Russia’s sphere of
influence. Neoconservatives and their allies respond that the war
could have been avoided if NATO had agreed to include Georgia this
year, as the Bush administration desired.
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Europe Reborn. K. A. Dilday. World Policy Journal, Summer
2008, pp. 75–81. We have arrived in a time where, in the old
European states of the European Union, national identities are being
fiercely debated. For those citizens who believe in “national
character,” these identities seem under dual attack. Increased
migration has altered national demographics, bringing in millions of
immigrants whose cultural histories differ from that of their new
countrymen, while the increasingly potent European Union steadily
usurps member states’ duties and functions, claiming a European
supra-character. As the EU becomes more powerful and European
identity becomes more potent and meaningful, though, will national
identity still be relevant?
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Powers and Foreign Policy
ALIGNING "SOFT"
WITH "HARD" POWER.
Henrietta Holsman Fore, Parameters, Summer 2008, pp. 14-24.
"Last November, Secretary of Defense Robert M. Gates gave a speech
that was described as 'groundbreaking' in the manner in which it
addressed the role of development and defense in meeting the
national security challenges facing the United States. 'One of the
most important lessons of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan is that
military success is not sufficient to win,' Secretary Gates stated:
Economic development, institution-building, and the rule of law,
promoting internal reconciliation, good governance, providing basic
services to the people, training and equipping indigenous military
and police forces, strategic communications, and more—these, along
with security, are essential ingredients for long-term success. This
article will address the importance of collaboration between
American development agencies and the US military."
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BUSH'S STEALTH
UNITED NATIONS POLICY. Stephen Schlesinger, World Policy
Journal, Summer 2008, pp. 1–9.
"A litany of failures and shattered goals has been a hallmark
of George W. Bush’s foreign policy in such strategic states as Iraq,
Afghanistan, Iran, North Korea, Venezuela, and Russia. Yet in the
midst of this bleak
landscape, there has been one success for Bush. Looking back on the
almost eight
years of his presidency, the one arena where Bush has shown some
mastery in international affairs is, counter-intuitively, the most
unlikely place on the planet—namely, the United Nations. For good or
ill, Bush has attained more victories in that body than in any other
forum or country—an intriguing fact, given that from the start of
his White House service, Bush has treated the UN as the bête
noire of global politics."
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THE WARS OF
JOHN MCCAIN. Jeffrey Goldberg, The Atlantic Monthly,
October 2008, var. pages. "John McCain believes the Vietnam
War was winnable. Now he argues that an Obama administration would
accept defeat in Iraq, with grave costs to American honor and
national security. Is McCain’s quest for victory a reflection of an
antiquated pre-Vietnam mind-set? Or of a commitment to principles we
abandon at our peril? Is there any war McCain thinks can’t be won?"
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Democracy Promotion
AN AGENDA FOR
HUMAN DIGNITY. Marc Perrin de Brichambaut, Survival, Aug/Sep 2008, pp.
11–17. "The debate about promoting democracy
continues to beat strong, and for
good reason. If in the early 1990s democracy seemed triumphant
across the
globe as the single most legitimate and effective form of
governance, this
may no longer be the case. International relations feature today a
handful
of countries with rising international influence and growing
capitalist economic
systems, but whose form of government is not democratic. In some,
the trappings of democratic form are maintained, while the substance
of politics is quite different.
These circumstances raise a difficult question: how to continue to
support
democracy in countries and regions where the notion is challenged
and
resistance is growing?"
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THE LEGEND OF A
DEMOCRACY PROMOTER. Amy Zegart, The National Interest,
Sep/Oct 2008, var. pages. "America’s moral crusade is here to stay. Both John McCain and Barack
Obama embrace the freedom agenda. How and why democracy promotion
became a permanent fixture of American foreign policy.
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MADISON AND THE SMART MOB: THE PROMISE AND
LIMITATIONS OF THE INTERNET FOR DEMOCRACY. Robert Faris and
Bruce Etling, The Fletcher Forum of World Affairs, Summer
2008, pp. 65-85. “'Color revolutions' in countries as
disparate as Burma and the Ukraine demonstrate the potential of the
Internet and text messaging for disseminating democratic ideals.
These new technologies have no doubt revolutionized peer-to-peer
relationships, but they remain limited in improving processes among
government institutions."
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A NEW LOOK AT ETHNICITY AND
DEMOCRATIZATION. Mark R. Beissinger,
Journal of Democracy,
July 2008, pp. 85-97. "Conventional scholarly wisdom holds that ethnic diversity within a
given society generally dims democracy's prospects. Careful
reflection on the experience of many post-Soviet states, however,
suggests that this need not be so."
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Conservatism and Realism
CONSERVATIVE INTERNATIONALISM. Henry R. Nau, Policy Review,
Aug/Sep 2008, var. pages.
"Since world war ii international relations specialists have debated
two main traditions or schools of American foreign policy, realism
and liberal internationalism. This essay argues instead that Ronald
Reagan tapped into a new and different American foreign policy
tradition that has been overlooked by scholars and pundits. That
tradition is 'conservative internationalism.' Like realism and
liberal internationalism, it has deep historical roots."
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DOES ONE RIGHT MAKE A REALIST?
CONSERVATISM, NEOCONSERVATISM, AND ISOLATIONISM IN THE FOREIGN
POLICY IDEOLOGY OF AMERICAN POLITICAL ELITES. Brian C. Rathbun,
Political Science Quarterly, Summer 2008, pp. 271-299.
"American society, it is now frequently stated, is more politically
polarized than at any time in recent memory, and a prominent front
in the
ideological battle between left and right is foreign policy. Most
notable is, of
course, the war in Iraq, but divisions between Republicans and
Democrats over
the proper definition of the national interest have been a feature
of the post-Cold War era since its inception. (...) Condemnation from both
traditional
conservatives and isolationists has been as strident and vicious as
that
of the left. This raises the question of whether there is any
common set of
fundamentals that defines the right’s foreign policy in the United
States, and if
not, why these subgroups are considered to be on the same side of
the political
spectrum."
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A REALIST
RALLY. Leslie H. Gelb, The National Interest, Sep/Oct
2008, var. pages. "Realism can lead the way out of our
foreign-policy shambles. But first the camp’s heavyweights need to
bridge the partisan divide. The heirs of Truman and Acheson on the
left and traditional realists on the right must join forces."
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The 2008 Campaign
HOW OBAMA REALLY DID IT. David
Talbot. Technology Review, October 2008, pp. 78-85.
Joe Trippi, Howard Dean's 2004 presidential campaign manager and
Internet impresario, describes Super Tuesday II -- the March 4
primaries in Texas, Ohio, Vermont, and Rhode Island -- as the moment
Barack Obama used social technology to decisive effect. The day's
largest hoard of delegates would be contested in Texas, where a
strong showing would require exceptional discipline and
voter-education efforts. Hillary Clinton's camp had about 20,000
volunteers at work in Texas. But in an e-mail, Trippi learned that
104,000 Texans had joined Obama's social-networking site,
www.my.barackobama.com, known as MyBO. The viral Internet offered
myriad ways to propagate unfiltered Obama messages. The campaign
posted the candidate's speeches and linked to multimedia material
generated by supporters. If Obama is elected, his Web-oriented
campaign strategy could carry over into his presidency. He could
encourage his supporters to deluge members of Congress with calls
and e-mails, or use the Web to organize collective research on
policy questions.
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American Values
THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN CONFLICT ON
STAGE. Gener, Randy et al. American Theatre, May/June
2008, pp. 28-41. Israelis and Palestinians view their histories and rights
differently. This special series of six articles explores the role
that theater has played, or can play, in relieving tensions related
to the conflict.
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PROJECT URBAN RECREATION. Edwards,
Michael. Parks & Recreation, March 2008, pp. 39-45.
The creation of public parks in close proximity to urban areas is a
new trend in urban development. Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania and
Spokane, Washington, serve as examples of this trend, which is being
spurred by increasing demand for places for outdoor exercise. Cities
are opening parks that allow residents to enjoy the outdoors without
leaving the city; Pittsburgh’s Three Rivers Park is situated along
the riverfront, with trails, bridges, green space, water landings,
public art, historic artifacts, restaurants, and community events.
Spokane is developing the Spokane River Gorge, which has 400 acres
of river access, open space located adjacent to downtown, and a wide
variety of activities to lure visitors. The author notes that parks
like these benefit cities by encouraging growth of urban
communities, tourism, future investment and real estate values.
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SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE INVESTORS.
CAN INVESTORS DO WELL BY DOING GOOD? Thomas J. Billitteri.
CQ Researcher, August 29, 2008, pp. 671-695.
Socially responsible investing, which combines
financial goals with the aim of improving society through stock
screening, shareholder activism and other methods, has grown into a
multi-trillion-dollar industry. Concerns about climate change,
worker rights and other issues are prompting big institutional
accounts as well as small investors to put more and more emphasis on
social, environmental and corporate-governance factors in weighing
investment decisions. But critics say stock-screening methods used
by mutual funds are subjective and that socially responsible
investments tend not to perform as well as conventional ones. Some
of the harshest criticism has been directed at public pension funds
using social-investing approaches, such as the California State
Teachers' Retirement System, which uses a "double bottom line"
approach to investing.
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