War in Georgia
War in Georgia—End of an Era, Beginning a New Cold War?
Johannes F. Linn, The Brookings Institution, August,
2008, n.p. Nearly 20 years after it began, the largely
peaceful transition of the post-Soviet space has been suddenly
brought to an end by the violence that has erupted in Georgia. Where
up to now conflict in the region was a localized rebellion within
Russia’s territory (Chechnya), or civil war in a remote part of the
former empire (Tajikistan), or a self-contained conflict over
contested territory between two small former Soviet states (Armenia
and Azerbaijan), the smoldering internal conflict within Georgia’s
territorial borders has suddenly flared up into an all-out war
between Russia and Georgia.
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But What Does it Mean for NATO? Robert Farley. The
American Prospect Online, August 2008, n.p. The war
between Russia and Georgia, on the heels of a NATO refusal to “fast
track” Georgia’s application for membership, has reignited the
debate over the wisdom of extending NATO to Russia’s borders.
Realists on both the right and the left suggest that the war is a
predictable reaction to NATO’s intrusion into Russia’s sphere of
influence. Neoconservatives and their allies respond that the war
could have been avoided if NATO had agreed to include Georgia this
year, as the Bush administration desired.
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Russia
Russia's Ominous New Doctrine? Strobe Talbott. The
Brookings Institution, August, 2008. n.p. Russia has been
justifying its rampage through Georgia as a "peacekeeping" operation
to end the Tbilisi government's "genocide" and "ethnic cleansing" of
South Ossetia. That terminology deliberately echoes U.S. and NATO
language during their 1999 bombing campaign against Serbia, which
resulted in the independence of Kosovo. Essentially, it's payback
time for a grievance that Russia has borne against the West for nine
years. The Russians are relying on the conceit that Georgian
President Mikheil Saakashvili is today's equivalent of Slobodan
Milosevic, and that the South Ossetians are (or were until their
rescue by the latter-day Red Army last week) being victimized by
Tbilisi the way the Kosovar Albanians suffered under Belgrade.
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Resurgent Russia? Rethinking Energy Inc. Goldthau, Andreas.
Policy Review, February/March 2008, pp. 53-63. The
article focuses on the energy industries of Russia. The idea that
Russia uses its oil and natural gas reserves as a weapon in an
aggressive foreign policy is said to be a myth. Russia's energy
dealings, as demonstrated by the firm Gazprom, reveal a desire to
maximize profit rather than to project state power. Russia could not
cut its energy supply to a country of any size without seriously
affecting its own government revenues. Western countries should see
Russia as a business rival only.
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Russia and the EU: Strategic
Partners or Strategic Rivals? Margot Light. JCMS,
2008, Annual Review pp. 7–27. Well before 2007, some Russian
analysts had diagnosed ‘a systemic crisis’ in
the Russian–European Union (EU) relationship. To some
western observers, by 2007 the disputes between Russia and the EU
indicated
that relations had reached ‘a critical juncture’, or seemed to be
‘grinding to a halt’. This article argues that, despite the
conflicts that divide the EU and Russia, the relationship has
neither succumbed to systemic crisis and nor has it ground to a
halt.
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About Afghanistan
DEMOCRATIZING A DEPENDENT STATE: THE CASE OF AFGHANISTAN.
Astri Suhrke,
Democratization, June 2008, pp. 630-648. "The
post-Taliban democratic reforms in Afghanistan were in part a
recreation of the past. Afghanistan has had six constitutions
between 1923 and 1990, and most have provided for national
assemblies and elections in one form or other. Yet the degree of
foreign involvement in the most recent reform process was
unprecedented. The heavy foreign hand contradicted the promise of
national autonomy, representation, and fair process held out by the
democratization agenda. By implicitly devaluing the institutions it
sought to promote, the democratization process has also had
potentially counterproductive effects. Moreover, while promoting
democratization, Western governments simultaneously created a state
so dependent on external support that it deprived the critical
institution of liberal democracy - the legislature - of its meaning.
The logical response of the national assembly has been to engage
mostly in politics with symbolic or nuisance value. This study
focuses on three areas of political reform: the structuring of the
interim administration, the promulgation of a new constitution, and
the establishment of the legislature."
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THE HISTORY OF IMPOSED DEMOCRACY AND THE FUTURE OF IRAQ AND
AFGHANISTAN. Andrew J. Enterline and Michael J. Greig,
Foreign Policy Analysis, October 2008, pp. 321-347. "What does history tells us about the
prospects for democracy in post-invasion Iraq and Afghanistan?
American policy makers frequently referenced the post-World War II
success stories of Germany and Japan as plausible futures for the
imposed democratic regimes in Iraq and Afghanistan. To evaluate the
historical validity of this comparison, we examine the durability of
43 imposed democratic regimes during the period 1800-1994, given
several political, economic, and social dimensions, as well as the
long-term impact of these foreign cultivated regimes on subsequent
polity performance. Our analysis suggests that the survival of
imposed democracy is by no means assured. Instead, the survival of
democracy is strongly conditioned by the process by which the regime
is imposed and the social and economic conditions present in the
state hosting the imposed polity. We discuss the prospects for the
survival of democracy in Iraq and Afghanistan in light of these
findings."
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INVITING THE LEVIATHAN: EXTERNAL FORCES, WAR, AND STATE-BUILDING
IN AFGHANISTAN. Jan Angstrom, Small Wars and Insurgencies,
September 2008, pp. 374-396. 'This article examines the role of
intervening forces in state-building efforts after state-collapse
and civil wars. Based upon a case study from the 30 years of war in
Afghanistan, it develops an explanation for failure of
state-building attempts drawing upon bargaining theory, macrosociological state-building theory, and strategic thought. The
explanation suggests that international state-building attempts
condition and shapes a new strategic environment for the local
actors. In doing so, the mode of state-building can create
incentives for continuing the war or, carried out differently,
create incentives for the parties to contribute in building a
legitimate state from the rubble of the old state."
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American Foreign Policy
FALLING UPWARDS: DECLINISM, THE BOX
SET. Robert J. Lieber, World Affairs, Summer 2008, var.
pages. "Is America finished? Respected public intellectuals, think tank
theorists, and members of the media elite seem to think so. The
United States does contend with serious problems at home and abroad,
but these prophecies of doom, which spread like a computer virus,
hardly reflect a rational appraisal of where we stand."
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GLOBALIZATION, AMERICAN POWER, AND INTERNATIONAL SECURITY.
Jonathan Kirshner, Political Science Quarterly, Fall 2008,
pp. 363-390. "Jonathan Kirshner considers the consequences of globalization for
American power and international conflict more generally. He argues
that the processes of globalization are affecting the balance of
power between states and creating new axes of international
conflict. He posits that even though the United States is advantaged
by globalization, the process also challenges some of its own
interests."
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MANAGING FOREIGN POLICY AND NATIONAL
SECURITY CHALLENGES IN PRESIDENTIAL TRANSITIONS. Kurt M. Campbell and James B. Steinberg,
The Washington Quarterly, Autumn 2008, pp. 7–20.
"Presidential transitions are replete with dangers and missteps that
bedevil even the most experienced practitioners, but they are also
times of opportunity. These ten recommendations can help the
candidates, even before either is president-elect, to traverse this
course."
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WHEN JUDGES
MAKE FOREIGN POLICY. Noah Feldman, New York Times Magazine,
September 28, 2008, var. pages. "As the United States tries
to balance the benefits of multilateral alliances with the demands
of unilateral self-protection, the Supreme court has started to
address the legal counterparts of such existential matters. It is
becoming increasingly clear that the defining constitutional problem
for the present generation will be the nature of the relationship of
the United States to what is somewhat optimistically called the
international order. This problem has many dimensions.
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New Military Tactics
A (SLIGHTLY) BETTER WAR: A NARRATIVE
AND ITS DEFECTS. Gian P. Gentile, World Affairs, Summer
2008, var. pages. "The U.S. Army’s new strategy in Iraq—launched in February 2007,
along with a surge of 25,000 additional American troops—qualifies
neither as particularly new nor even as a strategy. Better to call
it, instead, an enhanced reliance on tactics and operational
concepts previously in use. Or, put less charitably, an over-hyped
shift in emphasis that, on the one hand, will not necessarily yield
an American victory in Iraq but, on the other, might well leave the
United States Army crippled in future wars."
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FORMULATING VICTORY AND IMPLICATIONS FOR POLICY. William C. Martel,
Orbis, Fall 2008, pp. 613-626. "The national debate about the decisions to intervene in
Afghanistan
and Iraq suggests that policymakers and scholars need more precise
language
and concepts to define victory in war. Without clear language for
victory it is
difficult for policymakers to describe what they seek to achieve
from military
intervention. This article discusses a framework for understanding
victory and
evaluates its implications for policymakers who decisions about
whether to
intervene with military force."
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RISE IN COUNTERINSURGENCY: WILL NEW
TACTICS WEAKEN THE MILITARY? Peter Katel, The CQ
Researcher, Sep.5, 2008, pp. 697-720. "U.S. troops are using new tactics in Iraq and Afghanistan. Instead
of trying to defeat the enemy by brute force, they are focusing on
counterinsurgency — protecting civilians and relying on them to
provide information on enemy activity. But some military experts
argue that too much emphasis on 'winning hearts and minds' is
weakening the skills needed in conventional combat — from rapid
infantry advances to accurate artillery marksmanship to tank
tactics. Counterinsurgency advocates concede that some of these
capabilities may decline, partly because U.S. foes on today's Third
World battlefields don't have air power or armor. Still, they say no
sane enemy would challenge the powerful U.S. military in a
traditional, World War II-style conflict."
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Human Rights Policies
BEYOND DEMONIZATION: A NEW STRATEGY
FOR HUMAN RIGHTS IN NORTH KOREA. Katharine H. S. Moon, Current History, September 2008, pp.
263-268.
"Persistently engaging and formally recognizing North Korea are the
measures that hold most promise on many contentious issues,
including human rights."
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THE INTERNATIONAL LAW OF WAR AND AMERICA'S WAR ON TERRORISM
Nicholas Kittrie, International Journal on World Peace, Sep
2008, pp. 85-106. "The events of 9/11 perpetrated by Al Qaeda, a
non-state actor, and the subsequent capture of 'terrorists' by U.S.
forces and detention in Guantanamo, raises questions about how
international law should function in such cases. This article
examines the military rationale of the international law of war and
the challenges to it by human rights organizations and the U.S.
justice system. Should suspected terrorists be treated as POWs or
international war criminals? Granting prisoner of war privileges to
suspected belligerents in detention has been resisted, particularly
for its lack of reciprocity. Current developments in international
law have failed to vigorously address this situation."
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WHEN THE MEN WITH GUNS RULE: EXPLAINING HUMAN RIGHTS FAILURES IN
KOSOVO SINCE 1999. Mark A. Wolfgram, Political Science Quarterly,
Fall 2008, PP. 461-484. "Mark A. Wolfgram discusses the costs of early failures in the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization and the United Nations mission in
Kosovo after June 1999. The failure of NATO and the UN to secure
basic human rights for Kosovo’s non-Albanian minorities raises
serious questions about the future of similar militarized
humanitarian interventions."
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The Campaign
PSYCHOLOGICAL REFLECTIONS ON BARACK
OBANA AND JOHN MCCAIN: ASSESSING THE CONTOURS OF A NEW PRESIDENTIAL
ADMINISTRATION. Stanley A. Renshon. Political
Science Quarterly, Fall 2008, pp. 391-433. Stanley
A. Renshon analyzes the probable psychological baseline contours of
a Barack Obama or John McCain presidency. He explores the
psychology, worldview, and approach to leadership that are likely to
inform and shape the presidency of each candidate in the context of
his own developmental history and the psychology of public
expectations and concerns. Stanley A. Renshon is professor of
political science, Coordinator of the Interdisciplinary Program in
the Psychology of Social and Political Behavior at the City
University of New York Graduate Center, and a certified
psychoanalyst.
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A LIBERAL SHOCK DOCTRINE. Rick A.
Perlstein,
American Prospect, September 2008, pp. 22-24, 26. "The
author, a senior fellow at the Campaign for America's Future,
believes that progressive political change in American history is
rarely incremental. History continues to teach us that presidents
have to move quickly to enact progressive reforms before the
opportunities escape them. With few exceptions, most of the reforms
(such as Social Security, Medicare, desegregation) that have
advanced our nation's status as a modern, liberalizing social
democracy were pushed through in such circumstances."
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SYMPOSIUM ON THE NEW VICE PRESIDENCY. George C. Edwards III,
Lawrence R. Jacobs et al, Presidential Studies Quarterly,
September 2008, pp. 369-421. The purpose of this symposium is
to spotlight and encourage research regarding the vice presidency's
electoral and institutional impacts. The year 2008 is a particularly
propitious moment to expand this research agenda, for three reasons.
First, presidential succession may appear especially relevant.
Nearly one out of three vice presidents (14 of 46) has become
president. Knowing more about the running mates may be particularly
important in 2008 because the Republican nominee, John McCain, is a
cancer survivor and would, if elected, be the oldest president sworn
in to a first term. A second motivation for expanding the research
is that the selection of running mates seems to offer a targeted but
still critical electoral resource in 2008. The third and especially
important stimulus is the emergence of the vice presidency as a
critical institutional base of power and decision making. The media
and other political scholars should scrutinize the electoral
strengths of the running mates and their suitability to succeed the
president.
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Immigration and Exchanges
AMERICA'S BORDER FENCE: WILL IT STEM THE FLOW OF ILLEGAL
IMMIGRANTS? Reed Karaim, The CQ Researcher, Sep.
19, 2008, pp. 745-768. "America is rushing to build
670 miles of fencing along the U.S.-Mexican border by the
end of the year. The fence — or wall, as critics along the
border call it — is to include 370 miles of fencing intended
to stop illegal immigrants on foot and 300 miles of vehicle
barriers. To speed construction, the Bush administration is
using unprecedented authority granted by Congress to waive
environmental-, historic- and cultural-protection laws. No
one claims that building physical barriers along roughly a
third of America's 2,000-mile Southern border will stem
illegal immigration by itself, but supporters believe it is
an essential first step in "securing the border," providing
a critical line of defense against illegal migration, drug
smugglers and even terrorists. Opponents see it as a
multi-billion-dollar waste that will only shift illegal
immigrants toward more dangerous and difficult routes into
the country, while doing environmental, cultural and
economic damage."
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INTERNATIONAL EXCHANGES AND THE U.S. IMAGE.
Nancy Snow, Annals of
the American Academy of Political and Social Science, March
2008, pp. 198-222. "Snow, Senior research fellow at the University of Southern
California, reviews four special issues of The Annals of the
American Academy of Political and Social Science that were devoted
to the issue of international exchange programs and the U.S. image.
She concludes that methods of public diplomacy that were applicable
in the past can still be applied today, including the importance of
dialogue in overcoming stereotypes, building relationships, knowing
the target culture, and enhancing the national reputation of America
during ideological contests. The primacy of one individual in
contact with another individual remains one of the most important
opportunities to change attitudes and, thereby, improve the image of
the United States.
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CULTURE AND
RACE/ETHNICITY: BOLDER, DEEPER, AND BROADER. John D Skrentny,
Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science,
Sep 2008, pp. 59-77. "The role of cultural analysis in the
sociology of race, ethnicity, and immigration varies across subject
matter. Primarily for political reasons, it has been marginalized in
the study of ethnic/racial inequality, though new work is reclaiming
culture in this important context. It has an unacknowledged presence
in studies of discrimination and domination, but is explicit in
macro and historical studies. This article surveys these subfields
and makes a call for holder, deeper, and broader cultural analysis
in the field. More work is needed on cultural assimilation, how
inequality and discrimination produce racial and ethnic meanings,
how ethnic and racial cultures affect interests through variations
in conceptions of the meaning of life, how sending state cultures
affect immigrant and ethnic cultures in the United States, and how
globalization is Americanizing immigrants before they even leave
their homelands."
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