American Foreign Policy
FOREIGN POLICY,
MEET THE PEOPLE. Robert Y. Shapiro and Yaeli Bloch-Elkon,
The National Interest, Sept/Oct 2008, pp. 37-42. "Partisanship used to stop at the water’s edge. But times have
changed; the U.S. electorate is now deeply divided—and not just on
domestic-policy prescriptions. Facing a rift among the masses
greater than that spawned by either the war in Korea or Vietnam,
this legacy may well handicap the next president—and seriously
impair U.S. foreign policy.
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THE NEW AMERICAN EMPIRE? David A. Lake,
International Studies Perspectives, August 2008, pp. 281–289.
"The phrase 'American empire' has reentered the popular
lexicon but remains contested. What does it mean to say that the
United States is an empire? Why has this term resurfaced after so
many decades to describe the United States in the new millennium?
What does this mean for American foreign policy?"
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OBAMA'S 10 WORST IDEAS, Anonymous, Foreign Policy,
Sep/Oct 2008, var. pages. "Both John McCain and Barack Obama have many smart policy proposals,
but not all of them are ready for prime time. In this List,
FP looks at 10 Obama ideas that should
have never seen the light of day.
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MCCAIN'S 10 WORST IDEAS FP already roasted
Barack Obama’s 10 worst ideas. Now, it’s John McCain on the hot
seat.
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On Democracy
MAKING THE WORLD SAFE FOR PARTIAL DEMOCRACY?
QUESTIONING THE PREMISES OF DEMOCRACY PROMOTION. Arthur A.
Goldsmith.
International
Security, Fall 2008, pp. 120-147. "Democracy promotion is
a favored strategy to advance the cause of world peace, especially
in the Greater Middle East, but undifferentiated democracy promotion
has two faulty premises. First, all progress toward the
establishment of democratic regimes does not necessarily make the
global community safer. Second, regime change is not something
external actors have the capacity to direct along desired pathways.
The first assumption fails to consider the well-documented security
problems caused by partial democracies. The second assumption
overstates the ability of powerful outsiders to induce transitions
to full democracy. These research findings are grounds for cautious
and selective democracy promotion, not a blanket approach that is
indifferent to the composition of the regimes designated to be
reformed and democratized.
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WHY
DEMOCRACIES FAIL. Ethan B. Kapstein and Nathan Converse,
Journal of Democracy, October 2008, pp. 57-68. "Many of
today’s developing-world and postcommunist democracies are at risk
of reversal. What are the key factors that lead to democratic
collapse?"
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Iraq
AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY AFTER IRAQ. Robert J. Pranger,
Mediterranean Quarterly, Summer 2008, pp. 55-67. "Given the ongoing and intense controversy in the United States over
the Iraq
war and a draw-down of American forces from that country’s turmoil,
it may
seem premature at this time to think of any foreign policy “after”
Iraq, but
increasingly we will see evidence of such thinking in the debate on
how to
end this conflict. America’s greatest strength is its optimism, even
at the lowest
points of public despair. Questions are even now being raised, as
the
2008 presidential campaign becomes the center of national attention,
about
basic foreign policy issues for the future, despite the pessimism
surrounding
American conduct in Iraq. These broader issues concern a fundamental
problem: what is right for the American people in foreign policy?"
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IRAQ AND THE
NEXT AMERICAN PRESIDENT. Toby Dodge, Survival, Fall 2008,
pp. 37-60. "The original justification for the
invasion of Iraq, the incompetence displayed in its aftermath, and
the high costs of the occupation have undermined the possibility of
bipartisan agreement on Iraq. The danger for both US policymakers
and the long-suffering Iraqi people is that American politics will
continue to shape Iraq policy well beyond the next US presidential
election on 4 November 2008. While both candidates have presented
starkly different plans for Iraq, those seeking to influence the
political and military strategy of the next US president have been
held hostage by domestic party concerns. The hazard for the next
president is that his Iraq policy will owe much more to bitter and
ideologically driven arguments in Washington than the actual
situation in Baghdad. In order for the next president to avoid yet
another Iraq debacle, both candidates' policies need to be held up
against the Iraqi realities they wish to shape."
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IRAQ'S
LONG-TERM IMPACT ON JIHADIST TERRORISM. Daniel L Byman, Kenneth M
Pollack, Annals of the American Academy of Political and
Social Science, July 2008, pp. 55-68. "This article
argues that the problems facing Iraq could have tremendous
consequences for the broader 'war on terror,' particularly if they
return to or exceed levels seen at the height of the violence in
2006. Salafi militants, followers of an extreme interpretation of
Islam who want to use violence to unite Muslims under religious
rule, have been fighting in Iraq and may use the country as a base
for operations and attacks elsewhere in the region. In addition,
refugees from Iraq might spread terrorism, radicalize neighboring
populations, and contribute to strife and instability throughout the
region."
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Iran
THE CONUNDRUM
OF IRAN: STRENGTHENING MODERATES WITHOUT ACQUIESCING TO
BELLIGERENCE. John Brennan, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, July 2008,
pp. 168-179. "After nearly three decades of antagonistic
rhetoric and diplomatic estrangement between the United States and
Iran, the next president has the opportunity to set a new course for
relations between the two countries. When the next president takes
up residence at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, Iranian officials will be
listening. The president must implement a policy of engagement that
encourages moderates in Iran without implying tolerance for Tehran's
historic support of terrorist activities. This strategy will require
patience and sensitivity to the complex political realities inside
Iran."
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THE
'DEMAND-SIDE': AVOIDING A NUCLEAR-ARMED IRAN. Bradley L. Bowman,
Orbis, Fall 2008, pp. 627-642. "This article examines
the historical record of 'nuclear rollback' and the motivations for
Iran's apparent pursuit of a nuclear weapons capability in order to
identify the broad principles that should guide U.S. and
international efforts to resolve the nuclear crisis with Iran.1 The
author argues that Iran, like all states, seeks security and
respect. For many Iranians, the past three decades provide proof
that such security and respect can only be attained with a strategic
nuclear deterrent. In 2009, if the United States can show Tehran a
genuine path to security and prestige that does not require nuclear
weapons, Tehran might give it serious consideration. However, if the
United States and the international community fail to address Iran's
legitimate need for security or its desire for international
respect, Bowman believes it may only be a matter of time until Iran
obtains a nuclear weapons capability."
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THE LATTER-DAY
SULTAN POWER AND POLITICS IN IRAN. Akbar Ganji, Foreign Affairs, November/December 2008,
var. pages. "The real decision-maker in Iran is Supreme Leader Khamenei not
President Ahmedinejad. Blaming Iran's problems on President
Ahmadinejad inaccurately suggests that Iran's problems will go away
when Ahmadinejad does."
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Russia
War in Georgia, Jitters All Around. Svante E. Cornell.
Current History, October 2008, pp. 307-314. Near midnight
on August 8, a column of several hundred Russian tanks rolled
through the Roki Tunnel, which connects Russia to Georgia’s
breakaway province of South Ossetia. This action represented
Russia’s first military attack on another state since the Soviet
invasion of Afghanistan in 1979—hence, it was an event whose
significance extended far beyond the South Caucasus.
READ
MORE
It
Is Still Putin’s Russia. Kathryn Stoner-Weiss. Current
History, October 2008, pp. 315-321. When Russian forces
poured into South Ossetia on August 8, 2008, the first Russian
political leader on the scene was Vladimir Putin, the former
president and current prime minister. Putin flew directly from the
opening ceremony of the Olympic Games in Beijing to take personal
command of the developing political and military crisis. He later
appeared on Russia’s Channel One visiting South Ossetian refugees in
a field hospital in Vladikhavkaz in Russian North Ossetia. Notably
absent from the front lines, meanwhile, was the constitutional head
of the armed forces, the current president and Putin protégé, Dmitri
Medvedev.
READ
MORE
Moscow’s New Economic Imperialism. Marshall I. Goldman.
Current History, October 2008, pp. 322-329. In the
aftermath of Russia’s 1998 financial collapse, it looked as if the
country’s days as a superpower had come and gone. It is nothing
short of an economic and political miracle that Russia has recovered
and reasserted itself in just a decade.
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History's Back. Robert Kagan. The Weekly Standard.
August 2008. pp. 18-25. The hope at the end of the Cold War
was that nations would pursue economic integration as an alternative
to geopolitical competition, that they would seek the "soft" power
of commercial engagement and economic growth as an alternative to
the "hard" power of military strength or geopolitical confrontation.
After the second World War, another moment in history when hopes for
a new kind of international order were rampant, Hans Morgenthau
warned idealists against imagining that at some point "the final
curtain would fall and the game of power politics would no longer be
played."
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Asia
CHINA MOVES UP TO FIFTH AS IMPORTER OF STUDENTS.
Mara Hvistendahl, Chronicle of Higher Education, Sep. 19,
2008, pp. A1, 21-A22. "After joining the World Trade Organization in 2001, China embarked
on an ambitious plan to attract 120,000 international students by
2007 and went on to exceed its goal by 60 percent. While foreign
students are a lucrative source of revenue for Chinese universities,
China’s bid for international students is driven by its diplomatic
goal of developing soft power and cultivating a non-threatening
image in the world, according to Hvistendahl. As part of the same
diplomatic drive, China has been opening Confucius Institutes around
the world to form partnerships with foreign universities to promote
Chinese language and culture. China also seeks to internationalize
its universities and realizes it can’t have world-class universities
without large numbers of international students, says an expert on
Chinese education Hvistendahl interviewed, Gerard Postiglione. Most
of China’s international students come from other parts of Asia, but
the United States ranks third as a source, behind South Korea, the
top source, and Japan.
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A FORWARD-LOOKING PARTNER IN A CHANGING
EAST ASIA. Wu Xinbo, The Washington Quarterly, Autumn
2008, pp. 155-163. "Washington should not view East Asia
through a competitive Cold War lens but should adopt a vision for a
cooperative future that reflects East Asian integration that has
already occurred and anticipates more on the way. It is time for
Washington to become a partner, not a regional patron.
READ
MORE
Taiwan's 2008 Elections and Their Impact on U.S.-China-Taiwan
Relations. Winberg Chai. Asian Affairs, Summer
2008. pp. 83-92. Outgoing Taiwanese President Chen
Shui-bian's Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) was defeated in the
historic 2008 presidential and legislative elections, and voters
returned the reins of government to the long-ruling Nationalist
Party (KMT). The author analyzes the KMT's return to power after
eight years of DPP rule, its significance, and its potential to
create new stability in East Asia and better cooperation between the
United States and Taiwan.
READ MORE
US-Muslim Relations
AMERICAN
MUSLIMS AND THE USE OF CULTURAL DIPLOMACY. Hafsa Kanjwal,
Georgetown Journal of International Affairs, Summer/Fall 2008,
pp. 133-139. "Kanjwal explores the specific role that the
younger generation of American Muslims plays in using cultural
expression to bridge the gap between Western and Muslim societies.
He opines that the American Muslim community must take on a
non-traditional diplomatic role to represent Islam to the greater
American community.
READ MORE
BIN LADEN'S SOFT SUPPORT. Kenneth Ballen,
The Washington Monthly, May/July 2008, pp. 19-23.
"Negative public opinion towards the United States acts as a real
political constraint on the leaders of Muslim countries, limiting
their ability to work with America and its allies on everything from
counterterrorism operations to negotiating peace agreements. Like
most analysts, we had assumed that radical views in the Muslim world
were the outgrowth of a deeply held ideology, unshakeable without
profound shifts in American foreign policy. We were wrong. American
actions may inflame Muslim opinion. But the solutions that can cool
that hostility aren't always the ones you'd expect."
READ MORE
FALSE PROPHETS.
Geneive Abdo, Foreign Policy, July/August 2008, var.
pages. "Building bridges between Muslims, Christians,
and Jews seems like a worthy goal. But, by glossing over serious
differences, the organizations at the forefront of interfaith
dialogue confuse discussion with success-and end up leaving everyone
at risk. For More: FP’s interview with
Geneive Abdo about her U.N. experience and conversations with
Islamist leaders, and Reaction letter by John Esposito."
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HOMELAND
INTERESTS, HOSTLAND POLITICS: POLITICIZED ETHNIC IDENTITY AMONG
MIDDLE EASTERN HERITAGE GROUPS IN THE UNITED STATES. Kenneth D Wald,
The International Migration Review, Summer 2008, pp. 273-301.
"Why do ethnic diasporas in the United States differ in their
readiness for political mobilization on behalf of homeland
interests? This study develops a tiered model of politicized ethnic
identity emphasizing both individual-level traits and
group/collective properties. Using Zogby 'Culture Polls,' the theory
is tested on three Middle Eastern heritage groups in the United
States (Jews, Arab Christians, Arab Muslims). Empirical analysis
confirms that individuals differ in their readiness for mobilization
around Middle East issues based on the strength of ties to the
ethnic community and, net of such differences, each group varies
based on the contexts of exit and reception it faced at the time of
immigration. The findings suggest that studies of diaspora influence
on American foreign policy need to take account of the mass base
rather than focus exclusively on elite behavior."
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US Society & Values
BECOMING TYLER: BILL COLLECTOR TURNED
BILLION-DOLLAR MEDIA MOGUL WAS MOLDED FROM PAIN, PROMISE AND
PERSISTENCE. Margena A. Christian, Ebony, October 2008, pp. 72-84. "Tyler Perry is an accomplished African American director,
screenwriter, playwright and actor. Yet just ten years ago he was
struggling, recently homeless, hungry and having trouble paying the
rent on his apartment, yet persevered believing in his talent and
message. In 1998 he finally found success in the theater. In 2005
his DIARY OF A MAD BLACK WOMAN brought him success in film. Perry
has thrived in his movie career without the help of Hollywood; he
owns 100 percent of his movies.”
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THE NEW
EVANGELICALS. Frances Fitzgerald, New Yorker, June 30,
2008, pp. 28-35. "There is a new movement among evangelicals
that is friendly to science, environmental protection (including
fighting global warming), caring for the poor, immigration reform
and humane treatment of detainees, and it is 'posing the first major
challenge to the religious right in a quarter of a century,' writes
journalist and author Frances Fitzgerald. Evangelical leaders such
as Joel Hunter and Rick Warren are setting a national agenda very
different from that of the fundamentalist right that had so much
influence in the 2004 presidential election. The new evangelicals
are theologically conservative and remain opposed to sex outside of
heterosexual marriage and abortion, but 'they lack the cultural
attitudes descended from the fundamentalist resistance to modernist
thought, such as a distrust of science, a rejection of institutional
solutions to poverty.' Hunter and others have been criticized, but
polls show that half of all evangelicals have substantial
differences with the religious right. 'The younger generation,
that’s what’s driving this thing,' Hunter says."
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REGULATION
CREDIT CARDS: ARE TOUGHER REGULATIONS NEEDED TO PROTECT CONSUMERS?
Marcia Clemmitt, The CQ Researcher, Oct. 10, 2008, pp.
817-840. "As home refinancing dries up as a source of cash for many Americans,
credit card debt is rising faster than ever. Seeking to protect
consumers from serious debt trouble, Congress is discussing the
first significant legal restraints on credit card issuers imposed in
many years — and possibly the toughest ever. The banking industry
argues that most people don't get into severe financial distress
from credit card spending and that a crackdown on fees and other
bank practices could dry up the consumer credit that drives the
economy. But some consumer advocates say that the approximately 35
million households behind in payments or over their credit limits
demonstrate that tough action is needed — including caps on interest
rates. Meanwhile, some economists warn that increasing the earning
power of working-class families is the only long-term solution to
consumer credit woes."
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