Terrorism and Democracy
RADICAL ISLAM IN EUROPE. Leslie S. Lebl, Orbis,
Winter 2010, pp. 46-60. "Europe now faces three related but different challenges: how to
respond, in a time when 'native' European populations are
shrinking, to
the growing presence of Muslim minorities; how to avoid having its
relationships
with its Muslim communities controlled by Islamists who seek to
replace
Western civilization with Islamic government based on sharia law;
and what
to do generally about this Islamist threat. Thus far, the European
responses to
these challenges have been shaped by four factors: accumulated
civilizational
exhaustion; the inability to grasp the challenge posed to European
national
identities by the allure of the global Caliphate; weakness arising
from degraded
security capabilities, including the impact of the continued drive
to 'build Europe' by adopting the Treaty of Lisbon; and the preference for
appeasement
of Islamist demands."
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THE SORCERER'S APPRENTICE:
ISLAMIST MILITANCY IN SOUTH ASIA.
Sumit Ganguly and S. Paul Kapur, The Washington Quarterly, January 2010,
pp. 47-59. "Pakistan's historical strategy has given rise to a sorcerer's
apprentice problem: jihadi organizations have taken on a life of
their own. To date, neither India nor Pakistan has reacted to this
development constructively. Can they deal with South Asia's
sorcerer's apprentice problem more effectively?"
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“MODERATES” REDEFINED:
HOW TO DEAL WITH POLITICAL ISLAM. Emile Nakhleh, Current
History, December 2009, pp. 402-409. "It is imperative
for the United States to engage mainstream Islamic political parties
that are committed to gradual change through the ballot box."
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DEMOCRACY, FOREIGN
POLICY, AND TERRORISM. Burcu Savun, Journal of Conflict Resolution, December
2009, pp. 878-904. "This article takes a closer look at the relationship between
democracy and transnational terrorism. It investigates what it is
about democracies that make them particularly vulnerable to
terrorism from abroad. The authors suggest that states that exhibit
a certain type of foreign policy behavior, regardless of their
regime type, are likely to attract transnational terrorism. States
that are actively involved in international politics are likely to
create resentment abroad and hence more likely to be the target of
transnational terrorism than are states that pursue a more
isolationist foreign policy. Democratic states are more likely to be
targeted by transnational terrorist groups not because of their
regime type per se but because of the type of foreign policy they
tend to pursue. The empirical analysis provides support for the
argument."
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CAN AMERICA FINANCE FREEDOM?
ASSESSING U.S. DEMOCRACY PROMOTION VIA ECONOMIC STATECRAFT. Stephen
D. Collins, Foreign Policy Analysis, October 2009, pp. 367-389.
"Recent discourse on U.S. efforts to promote democracy has
focused on military activities; especially the strategic and
normative perils of democracy promotion at the point of bayonets.
This paper explores the United States' use of economic statecraft to
foster democratization, with particular attention to democracy
incentive and assistance strategies."
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THE TERROR FRINGE. Thomas Rid and Marc
Hecker, Policy Review,
December 2009/January 2010, var. pp. "The
Afghan-Pakistan border region is widely identified as a haven for jihadi extremists. But the joint between local insurgencies and
global terrorism has been dislocated. A combination of new
technologies and new ideologies has changed the role of popular
support: In local insurgencies the population may still be the
'terrain' on which resistance is thriving — and counterinsurgency,
by creating security for the people, may still succeed locally. But
Islamic violent extremism in its global and ambitious form is
attractive only for groups at the outer edge, the flat end of a
popular support curve. Jihad failed to muster mass support, but it
is stable at the margin of society. Neither the West nor its enemies
can win — or lose — a war on terror. Western anti-terror policy
rests on the assumption that the threat of violent extremism has to
be treated at the root — in Afghanistan. A stable Afghan-Pakistan
border region, the theory goes, would stop exporting terrorism to
the rest of the world."
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CHANGES AND THE AMERICAN
SECURITY PARADIGM. Kenneth Allard, Orbis, Winter 2010, pp.
87-96. Ken Allard explores how the U.S. security
paradigm, especially when it comes to borders and security of the
homeland, is shifting as a result of cooperation between drug and
terrorist networks.
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Middle East, Iran, Iraq
STRUCTURING MIDDLE EAST SECURITY. Peter
Jones, Survival, December 2009–January 2010, pp. 105–122.
"The lack of an inclusive mechanism for the promotion of regional
cooperation and security in the Middle East is striking. How could
the first steps be taken towards such a goal, given the Middle
East's many rivalries and conflicts? There are different conceptions
of the basic notions of security in play; the question of the proper
relationship between regional and sub-regional approaches requires
much deliberation; the role of outside powers remains vexing; and
the ongoing Arab-Israeli conflict is seen, at least by some, as
rendering progress impossible for the time being. One way forward
may be to accept that no single system is going to emerge. Rather,
it might be best to conceive of the road ahead as involving
discussion of a 'system of systems'."
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AMERICAN GRAND STRATEGY AFTER IRAQ,
Sarah Kreps, Orbis, Fall 2009, pp. 629-645. "Kreps,
assistant professor at the Department of Government at Cornell
University, writes that, to the extent that a strategy can be
identified in the first year of the Obama Administration, its
defining features are not a break from the past but continuity. She
first identifies the elements of grand strategy, pointing to the
international distribution of power, American bureaucracy, and
public as the key sources of constraint and opportunity. Kreps then
shows how shifts in these factors—comparatively less U.S. power, an
overstretched military conducting counterinsurgency operations in
Iraq and Afghanistan, and a weary American public—produced a shift
in grand strategy that predated the 2008 election and that remains
consistent with the current strategic setting. This article is part
of a special series, Debating American Grand Strategy After Major
War."
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SANCTIONING IRAN: IF ONLY IT WERE SO
SIMPLE. Suzanne Maloney, The Washington Quarterly, December
2009, pp. 131-147. "For U.S. policymakers, the Islamic
Republic of Iran continues to pose a dilemma because of the
unpredictability of the problem on one hand, and the invariability
of available U.S. policy instruments on the other. While the Iranian
threat has been perennial, Tehran’s internal political dynamics and
its external conduct have evolved considerably, and unexpectedly.
Although Iran’s challenge has grown more complicated over the years,
the landscape of U.S. policy options has remained consistent and
frustratingly limited for most of the past three decades. The Obama
administration came into office determined to chart a new course on
Iran, only to find itself quickly confronted with this same old
quandary when the ground shifted suddenly and dramatically. The epic
upheaval that followed Iran’s June 2009 presidential election did
not formally derail the new administration’s diplomacy toward
Tehran, but it surely shattered any expectations for quickly and
durably ending the estrangement or resolving the increasingly urgent
international concerns about Iran’s nuclear ambitions."
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MORE
Russia
RESETTING U.S.-RUSSIAN RELATIONS: IT
TAKES TWO. David J. Kramer, The Washington Quarterly,
December 2009, pp. 61-79. "President Barack
Obama deserves credit for his initial efforts to reverse the
deterioration in relations between the United States and Russia. The
downward spiral in bilateral ties accelerated by Russia’s invasion
of Georgia last year has ended for now, but relations are not likely
to improve appreciably because of fundamental differences in values,
interests, and outlook between the two countries’ leaderships. In
fact, Russian leaders’ actions and rhetoric continue to raise
serious doubts about their interest in really resetting relations.
The
Obama administration, much like the Bush administration before it,
is likely to
find Moscow the source of endless frustrations and headaches and few
solutions."
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RUSSIA REBORN. Dmitri Trenin.
Foreign Affairs,
Nov/Dec 2009. pp. 64-78. Two decades after
the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan and the fall of
the Berlin Wall, and nearly 20 years after the breakup of the
Soviet Union, Russia has shed communism and lost its historical
empire. But it has not yet found a new role. Instead, it sits
uncomfortably on the periphery of both Europe and Asia while
apprehensively rubbing shoulders with the Muslim world. Russia
would better serve its interests by strengthening its ties to
the world's most relevant and influential actors, rather than by
focusing on power balances and exclusive zones. And instead of
favoring diplomacy at the United Nations merely because it
wields a veto in the Security Council, Russia needs to engage in
producing global public goods. Russia will certainly survive the
present economic crisis. But it does have a long way to go
before it becomes a modern state capable of pursuing a foreign
policy that serves its needs, not its nostalgia.
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Climate Change
THE GREAT MELT: THE COMING
TRANSFORMATION OF THE ARCTIC. Alun Anderson, World Policy
Journal, Winter 2009/10, pp. 53-64."If
there is one place where we don’t want more water, it is at the very
top of our planet. But a lot more water is what we are going to
have—and all too quickly. In the far north, the biggest and fastest
change to our planet ever caused by human activity is underway. More
and more of the frozen Arctic seas are melting away. Each winter,
the ice grows until it covers an area more than one-and-a-half times
the size of the entire United States. In summer, as the 24-hour
sunlight sets to work, that ice previously melted to half the winter
area. Now, after a catastrophic collapse in 2007, close to
two-thirds of the ice is vanishing. Compared to a decade earlier,
the Arctic is losing an extra area of ice each summer that is six
times the size of California. The big, once-unthinkable question is
not if—but when—the ice will disappear completely each summer.
Predicting such a monumental shift is a tricky business. When the
ice collapsed in the summer of 2007, scientists were caught napping.
The ice shrank to an area that climate models predicted we would not
see until 2055. Some estimates on total disappearance of the summer
ice now suggest a date as early as 2013."
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GIVING AWAY GREEN TECHNOLOGIES. Bruce
Stokes, National Journal, November 20, 2009, var. pp.
"Experts say that a dangerous mismatch exists
today between how many years the planet has left before very adverse
consequences of global warming begin and the number of years it will
take for green technologies to spread around the world so that all
countries can help clean up the atmosphere. Most experts insist that
nations must accelerate international collaboration to bring
much-needed technological innovations to market everywhere, faster.
But in the run-up to the United Nations Climate Change Conference in
Copenhagen in early December, the transfer of clean-coal, wind-, and
solar-power technologies from rich countries to poor nations has
become a political football. Who should own the
intellectual-property rights to such technologies? Should the owners
be compensated when technologies are transferred? If so, who will
pay? And will the transfer of green technologies undermine the
competitiveness of European, Japanese, and U.S. firms who, after
all, invented the technologies?"
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THE MYTH OF GREEN EUROPE, Andrea
Lenschow and Carina Sprungk, Journal of Common Market
Studies, January 2010, pp.
133-154. "Unlike most nation-states,
the EU faces the challenge of actively creating and sustaining myths
about its polity. In this article we explore if and under what
conditions the story of a ‘Green Europe’ represents a successful new
myth on the European project, which is appealing to present and
future generations and capable of generating legitimacy for EU
politics. Exploring the narratives of policy leaders (storytellers)
we trace the functional role of environmental policy for the EU
polity as a whole, establish the legitimating role of environmental
policy for the EU and search the extent to which the environmental
narrative is constructed as an identity-building story. We argue
that, while the actual performance of the EU in environmental policy
might raise some doubts about the credibility and hence
sustainability of the Green Europe myth, ‘green’ has become a brand
attribute of the EU to the European public and carries a high level
of legitimacy and potential for identification."
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EU Issues
FERMEZ LA PORTE: THE OVERSIMPLIFICATION
OF EUROPE. David Rieff, World Affairs, Jan/Feb 2010, pp. 83-92.
"For Christopher Caldwell, an American columnist for the
Financial Times and contributor to the New York Times
Magazine and the Weekly Standard, the end of Europe as we
have known it and as it has known itself is not just possible but
inevitable. His new book is a grim explication of this thesis and an
investigation—part reportage, part history, part analysis, part
social theory—both of the deep roots within European culture and
politics for this looming catastrophe, and of its proximate cause,
which, for Caldwell, is obvious and undeniable: the mass migration
of Muslim immigrants to Europe and the sinister prospect of their
dominance. His book, he writes, asks “whether you can have the same
Europe with different people. The answer is no.”
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GLOBAL EUROPA: MYTHOLOGY OF THE EUROPEAN
UNION IN WORLD POLITICS. Ian Manners, Journal of Common Market
Studies, January 2010, pp. 67-87. "The mythology of
the European Union (EU) in world politics can be told and untold in
many different ways. This article focuses on the lore or stories of
who did what to whom, the ideological projection of the past onto
the present and the escapist pleasure of storytelling in looking at
the mythology of ‘global Europa’ – the EU in the world. It concludes
with a reflection on the way in which the many diverse myths of
global Europa compete for daily attention, whether as lore, ideology
or pleasure. In this respect the mythology of global Europa is part
of our everyday existence, part of the EU in and of the world."
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THE ECONOMIC MYTHOLOGY OF EUROPEAN
INTEGRATION. Erik Jones, Journal of Common Market Studies,
January 2010, pp. 89-109. "This article examines the
economic myths that surround the process of European integration. It
argues that while such myths once played an important role in
fostering identification and support for the process, they no longer
serve that function. Instead, these economic myths have become a
focal point for contestation and concern. Europeans will have to
develop a new mythology to explain and justify their process of
integration as a result."
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Economy and Financial
Markets
THE ROOT OF THE FINANCIAL CRISIS. Arnold
Kling, Policy Review, December 2009/January 2010, var. pp.
"In a compelling fictional narrative, there are villains,
victims, and heroes. One can give a compelling account of the
financial crisis of 2008 that contains such characters, but it would
be fictional: A true villain has to be aware of his villainous
deeds. Instead, the primary candidates for the role of villain in
the 2008 emergency — the executives of banks, Wall Street firms, and
insurance companies — made out too poorly in the end to suggest
willfulness. If these companies had done nothing but deliberately
foist risks on others, they themselves would have survived. The fact
that Bear Stearns, Lehman Brothers, and other companies took such
large losses is indicative of self-deception. Executives had too
much confidence in their risk management strategies. Regulators,
too, had excessive confidence in the measures that they had in place
to ensure safety and soundness of banks and other regulated
institutions. The crisis was both a market failure and a government
failure. In fact, some of the most important financial instruments
implicated in the crisis, including mortgage-backed securities and
credit default swaps, owed their existence to regulatory anomalies.
In the way that they specified capital requirements, regulators gave
their implicit blessing to risky mortgages laundered through
securitization and to treating a broad portfolio of risky assets as
if it were a safe asset. Simply put, there was a widespread gap
between what people thought they knew to be true and what was
actually true."
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IMAGINATIVE OBSTRUCTION: MODERN
PROTECTIONISM IN THE GLOBAL ECONOMY. Philip Levy, Georgetown
Journal of International Affairs, Summer/Fall 2009, pp. 7-14.
"Levy, resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, notes
that, as international trade has grown exponentially in recent
decades, so has the variety of motivations for individual countries
to institute trade protections. Levy categorizes protectionist
policies in three general groups. Intentional protectionism is the
most transparent, designed to shield domestically-produced goods,
such as agricultural products or steel, from foreign competition.
Incidental protectionism are measures that affect the import of
goods under the rubric of unrelated domestic issues, such as
prohibiting the imports of products made with toxic materials as a
public-health or safety issue. Instrumental protectionism are
actions designed to further a nation’s foreign-policy or other goal,
such as limiting the spread of dual-use technology. Levy Levy agrees
that protectionism must be avoided, but “in order to reject
protectionism, we must first be able to recognize it.”
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Education USA
THE VALUE OF A COLLEGE EDUCATION. Thomas J.
Billitteri, The CQ Researcher, Nov. 20, 2009, var. pages.
"President Obama's $12 billion American Graduation Initiative
— announced in July — aims to help millions more Americans earn
degrees and certificates from community colleges. The president
wants the United States to have, once again, the highest proportion
of college graduates in the world. Along with the administration,
economists and many students and parents embrace the notion that
higher education offers the most promising ticket to financial
security and upward mobility. However, some argue that many young
people are ill-prepared or unmotivated to get a four-year degree and
should pursue apprenticeships or job-related technical training
instead. The debate is casting a spotlight on trends in high-school
career and technical education — long known as vocational education
— and raising questions about the ability of the nation's 1,200
community colleges to meet exploding enrollment demand."
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BILINGUAL EDUCATION VS. ENGLISH IMMERSION:
WHICH IS BETTER FOR STUDENTS WITH LIMITED ENGLISH? Kenneth Jost, The
CQ Researcher, Dec. 11, 2009, var. pages. "More than 5
million public school students have limited English proficiency, and
the number is growing. Most English learners enter school behind
fluent English speakers, and many never catch up either in language
or other academic areas. In the 1960s and '70s, the federal
government supported bilingual education: teaching English learners
in both their native language and in English. A backlash developed
in the 1980s and '90s among critics who attacked bilingual education
as academically ineffective and politically divisive. They favored
instead some form of 'English immersion.' Educators and policy
makers continue to wage bitter debates on the issue, with each of
the opposing camps claiming that research studies support its
position. Some experts say the debate should focus instead on
providing more resources, including more and better-trained
teachers."
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Society & Values
GOVERNMENT AND RELIGION: WAS THE UNITED
STATES FOUNDED AS A "CHRISTIAN NATION?" Thomas J. Billitteri.
CQ Researcher, January 15, 2010, pp. 25-48.
A decades-long culture war over the relationship between government
and religion and the role of faith in civil society shows no sign of
abating. New cases are coming before the Supreme Court, and fresh
conflicts are arising over the placement of religious displays on
public property and the use of government money to support
faith-based social-service programs. At the heart of the battle lies
the question of whether the United States was formed as a “Christian
nation” — as many conservatives contend — or whether the Founding
Fathers meant to build a high wall of separation between church and
state. President Obama outraged conservatives when he declared, “we
do not consider ourselves a Christian nation or a Jewish nation or
Muslim nation” but a “nation of citizens who are bound by ideals and
a set of values.” Still, the share of Americans who profess to be
Christians has been shrinking, while the percentage who claim no
religious preference has nearly doubled since 1990.
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