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Topics in this Issue of
March 1, 2010

 

 

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The silhouette of man is seen in front of the banner announcing the New European Treaty of the European Council during the Inaugural Session of the New European Treaty at the Belem Tower in Lisbon Tuesday, Dec.1, 2009. (AP Photo/Alvaro Barrientos)
The silhouette of man is seen in front of the banner announcing the New European Treaty of the European Council during the Inaugural Session of the New European Treaty at the Belem Tower in Lisbon Tuesday, Dec.1, 2009. (AP Photo/Alvaro Barrientos)

Transatlantic Relations

NEW TREATY, NEW INFLUENCE? EUROPE'S CHANCE TO PUNCH ITS WEIGHT. Anthony Luzatto Gardner and Stuart E. Eizenstat, Foreign Affairs, Mar/Apr 2010, var. pp. With the Lisbon Treaty now in effect, the European Union has more power to implement foreign policy decisions -- on paper, at least. The reformed EU's effectiveness will ultimately depend on whether its member states focus on continued integration rather than on retaining their national perspectives. [...] On December 1, 2009, after nearly a decade of acrimonious debate, the Treaty of Lisbon entered into force across the 27 member states of the European Union. The treaty reforms EU institutions, making the organization more accountable to voters and enhancing its ability to address European and global challenges. Over the long term, the treaty may make the EU a more coherent international actor, thereby significantly affecting non-EU countries, including the United States. READ MORE

ASYMMETRIC INTERDEPENDENCE. DO AMERICA AND EUROPE NEED EACH OTHER? Beate Neuss, Strategic Studies Quarterly, Winter 2009, pp. 110-124.  America’s position with regard to the symmetry or asymmetry of the transatlantic relationship can be found, diplomatically formulated, between the lines of the vice president’s speech. In short: “We’re going to attempt to recapture the totality of America’s strength.” In other words, the United States retains its claim to the role of world’s leading power—as first among equals. Consequently, the sort of dialogue between equals that Europeans so eagerly desire with the United States will not be based solely on interdependence—that is to say, on mutual dependence—and instead presupposes to a degree a symmetric distribution of power.
READ MORE

OBAMA'S “EISENHOWER MOMENT”. AMERICAN STRATEGIC CHOICES AND THE TRANSATLANTIC DEFENSE RELATIONSHIP. Edwina Campbell, Strategic Studies Quarterly, Winter 2009, pp. 3-7.  Instilling confidence among Americans in his party’s foreign policy competence and credibility requires that Obama articulate and implement diplomatic, military, and economic strategies, the ends of which attract broad-based support both at home and abroad, and the ways and means of which reflect the realities of a global economic crisis more profound than any since the 19 0s. But 20 years after the end of the Cold War, defining a framework for Euro-Atlantic cooperation and implementing tasks to accomplish common purposes will be even more difficult than for leaders of the Atlantic alliance in the 1950s. The greatest difficulties, both conceptually and practically, will arise over strategies projecting, and possibly using, military force. Despite the departure of the Bush administration, it remains unclear whether there is a consensus within Europe on the desirability of cooperating with the United States on such strategies. READ MORE

EUROPE, THE SECOND SUPERPOWER. Andrew Moravcsik, Current History, March 2010, pp.91-98. It has become fashionable to view the global system as dominated by the United States, China, and India. How often do we hear from leading politicians that “The most important relationship in the twenty-first century is that between Washington and Beijing”? Or that the “rise of the rest” is the great phenomenon of our time? Missing from this equation is Europe. The “Old Continent’s” reputation for sluggish economic and demographic growth, political disunity, and weak militaries has convinced most foreign analysts that the future belongs to Asia and the United States. Indeed, among scholars, commentators, and politicians alike, the conventional view is that the contemporary world is “unipolar,” with the United States standing alone as a sole superpower. With the rise of China, India, and perhaps some other nations, the world may become—if it is not
already—multipolar. But Europe’s role in the geopolitical balance, according to this view, remains insignificant. READ MORE

EUROPEAN FOREIGN POLICY AFTER LISBON: STRENGTHENING THE EU AS AN INTERNATIONAL ACTOR, Kateryna Koehler, Caucasian Review of International Affairs, Winter 2010, pp. 57-72. Following years of compromise, the Treaty of Lisbon finally came into force on December 1, 2009. This article analyses the new substantive law regulations and institutional arrangements of the Lisbon Treaty in the field of external relations and their impact on the effectiveness of the European foreign policy and the European Union as an international actor. For this purpose, this paper starts with analyses of the principle of coherence and continues with the reformed structure and legal personality of the EU, which was previously a serious challenge for the coherence of the EU’s foreign policy. Finally, this article examines the functions and implications of institutional innovations, namely, the positions of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the President of the European Council and the European External Action Service. This paper argues that the Treaty of Lisbon improves the preconditions for a higher degree of coherence in European external relations and strengthens the EU as an international actor, even if the success of the European foreign policy, especially in the field of CFSP, still depends to a great extent on the Member States’ willingness to cooperate. READ MORE

What's Happening with Russia

RUSSIA'S PRAGMATIC REIMPERIALIZATION. Janusz Bugajski, Caucasian Review of International Affairs, Winter 2010, pp. 3-19."The Russian authorities are engaged in a policy of 'pragmatic reimperialization' in seeking to restore Moscow's regional dominance, undermining U.S. global influence, dividing the NATO alliance, neutralizing the European Union (EU), limiting further NATO and EU enlargement, and re-establishing zones of "privileged interest" in the former Soviet bloc, where pliant governments are targeted through economic, political, and security instruments. Russia's strategies are pragmatic and opportunistic by avoiding ideology and political partisanship and focusing instead on an assortment of threats, pressures, inducements, and incentives. Despite its expansive ambitions, the Russian Federation is - potentially - a failing state, and may be resorting to increasingly desperate imperial reactions to intractable internal problems that could presage the country's territorial disintegration. READ MORE

WHAT'S THE MATTER WITH RUSSIA? Lilia Shevtsova, Journal of Democracy, Jan 2010, pp. 152-159. "History had utterly failed to prepare Russia, which had been closed off from the outside world for decades, for the changes to come. [...] Gorbachev's perestroika, which triggered the unraveling of the USSR, only reinforced fears among the Russian elite that further liberalization would bring about the collapse of the Russian Federation." READ MORE

THE SOURCES OF RUSSIA'S INSECURITY. Thomas Graham, Thomas, Survival, Feb-March 2010, pp. 55–74. "Historically, ensuring Russia's survival and territorial integrity was the top priority for Russia's leaders. The challenge arose from Russia's geopolitical setting and political system. This task remains the top priority today, despite claims that Russia has returned as a great power. For the first time in modern history, Russia is surrounded by more dynamic states and regions, and these poles of power and attraction threaten to pull it apart over time. To survive, Russia must modernise. Success will require a concerted effort to deal with a range of pressing socio-economic and political issues. Most challenging will be reordering the traditional relationship between state and society to nurture society and mobilise it for this task." READ MORE

Iraq

IRAQ: WATER, WATER NOWHERE. Martin Chulov, World Policy Journal, Winter 2009/2010, var. pages. "In Baghdad, the lack of water has been an inconvenience, an eyesore, and a health hazard. Raw sewage and refuse pumped into the Tigris is not flushed downstream as rapidly as it once was. The Tigris is Baghdad's main artery, but it is also still a working river, long traversed by small commuter ferries, industrial barges, and, in the city's halcyon days, even pleasure boats. Giant mud islands now protrude from the once wide, blue expanse of the river, making it unnavigable for larger vessels. Further downstream, and especially along the Euphrates--which runs roughly on a parallel track west though Iraq's bread basket--the effects of the shortage are far worse. Here, Chulov looks at the water shortage in Iraq and discusses how it affected the country." READ MORE

REFUGEE WARRIORS OR WAR REFUGEES? IRAQI REFUGEES' PREDICAMENT IN SYRIA, JORDAN AND LEBANON. Reinoud Leenders, Mediterranean Politics, November 2009, pp. 343-363. "This essay attempts to disentangle a debate within the study of refugee crises and their security implications involving 'refugee warriors'. It situates the debate in the context of the Iraqi refugee crisis and its purported and real manifestations in three main host countries: Syria, Jordan and Lebanon. The research's findings show a serious divergence between theorizing on refugee warriors and the important case of Iraq's war refugees. In the light of this and given the comparative literature's own contradictory evidence, the essay argues that the generalized application of the refugee warrior label and the overstated prominence given to it by some scholars and by practitioners within the international refugee regime need to be critically examined. In reference to Iraqi refugees' abandonment in terms of protection and given strenuous efforts to contain them to the region, it is suggested that the label appears to have gained currency with the effect of helping to impose an 'in-region solution' for refugees and drastically curbing refugees' access to direct asylum procedures in North America and Western Europe." READ MORE

WHEN AND HOW PARLIAMENTS INFLUENCE FOREIGN POLICY: THE CASE OF TURKEY'S IRAQ DECISION. Baris Kesgin, Juliet Kaarbo, International Studies Perspectives, Feb 2010, pp. 19-36.  "Turkey's decision on its role in the Iraq war in 2003 illustrates the power--and limits--of parliaments as actors in foreign policy. Traditionally, assemblies are not seen as important players in the foreign policies of parliamentary democracies. Instead, cabinets are generally considered the chief policymaking authorities. If the government enjoys a parliamentary majority, legislatures typically support the cabinet, if they are brought into the process at all. The March 1, 2003 vote by the Turkish parliament to not allow the United States to use Turkey as a base for the Iraq invasion challenges this conventional wisdom on parliamentary influence (in addition to many interest-based explanations of foreign policy). This paper examines this decision in the context of the role of parliaments in foreign policies and explores the relationships between parliamentary influence, leadership, intraparty politics, and public opinion." READ MORE

PRUDENCE AND PRESIDENTIAL ETHICS: THE DECISIONS ON IRAQ OF THE TWO PRESIDENTS BUSH. J Patrick Dobel, Presidential Studies Quarterly, March 2010, pp. 57-75. "A very exacting type of prudence is demanded of ethical and effective political leaders. It requires critical self-awareness, diligence in obtaining information and modifying one's conduct in light of it, and attentiveness to the fit and proportionality of means and ends. Although there are counterparts in personal life to these attributes, the prudence of political leaders has a further dimension because of their responsibility for the welfare of the polity, whether a city or an entire nation. The importance of political prudence in the U.S. presidency is illustrated by a comparative analysis of the decision-making processes regarding Iraq in the administrations of George H. W. Bush and George W. Bush. The sharp contrasts between them suggest that prudence and other political virtues may be substantially independent of ideology, class, and social background." READ MORE

THREE IRAQ INTELLIGENCE FAILURES RECONSIDERED. David Hannay, Survival, Dec 2009/Jan 2010, pp. 13–20. "So pervasive is the criticism of the invasion of Iraq in 2003, and even more so of the policy decisions taken in its immediate aftermath, that little attempt is made to situate these developments in some kind of historical context that takes account of the events which preceded the Bush administration's decision to go to war. Here, Hannay talks about the three Iraq intelligence failures, which is reconsidered today." READ MORE

Middle East

IN PURSUIT OF DEMOCRACY AND SECURITY IN THE GREATER MIDDLE EAST. Daniel Brumberg, USIP Study Group Report, January 2010, var. pages. "Can the Obama administration simultaneously pursue democracy and security in the Middle East? Can the U.S. engage autocratic regimes and push for human rights at the same time? The U.S. can and it should, according to a new USIP Study Group Report on Political Reform and Security in the Greater Middle East. This extensive paper examines the complex nexus between democratic change and U.S. security interests, with a principal focus on Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco and Yemen. It sets out a set of general and country-specific findings and recommendations for a long-term strategy by which “political liberalization” can enhance the stability and legitimacy of governments, thus strengthening security and peacemaking in the region." READ MORE

THE ARAB TOMORROW. David B. Ottaway, Wilson Quarterly, Winter 2010,  pp. 48-64. "Decades of drift have brought the Arab world to the edge of disaster. Entrenched regimes stifle reform, while oil, Islam, and social discontent mix in explosive combinations. Change is coming. The question is, who will lead it ?" READ MORE

AFTER IRAN GETS THE BOMB. James M. Lindsay and Ray Takeyh, Foreign Affairs, March-April 2010, var. pages. "Despite international pressure, Iran appears to be continuing its march toward getting a nuclear bomb. But Washington can contain and mitigate the consequences of Tehran's nuclear defiance, keeping an abhorrent outcome from becoming a catastrophic one." READ MORE

Netwar and Cyberwar

THE NEW RULES OF WAR. John Arquilla, Foreign Policy, March-April 2010, var. pages. "The visionary who first saw the age of "netwar" coming warns that the U.S. military is getting it wrong all over again. Here’s his plan to make conflict cheaper, smaller, and smarter." READ MORE

CYBER WARRIORS. James Fallows, The Atlantic, March 2010, var. pp. When will China emerge as a military threat to the U.S.? In most respects the answer is: not anytime soon—China doesn’t even contemplate a time it might challenge America directly. But one significant threat already exists: cyberwar. Attacks—not just from China but from Russia and elsewhere—on America’s electronic networks cost millions of dollars and could in the extreme cause the collapse of financial life, the halt of most manufacturing systems, and the evaporation of all the data and knowledge stored on the Internet. READ MORE

CYBERSECURITY: ARE U.S. MILITARY AND CIVILIAN COMPUTER SYSTEMS SAFE?
Patrick Marshall, The CQ Researcher, February 26, 2010, pp. 169-192.
"The recent attacks on Google servers, apparently launched from China, underscore the threat cyberattacks pose to American individuals and businesses as well as to national security. In addition to billions of dollars being stolen by cybercriminals, military secrets and critical civilian infrastructure — including utilities, transportation and finance — also are at risk. Indeed, attempted attacks on Pentagon computers alone number in the tens of thousands each year. The hackers range from international gangs to the agents of other countries. Lawmakers and cybersecurity analysts agree the U.S. is woefully unprepared to deal with the challenge. Civilian and military leaders say they are ramping up defensive efforts, but many experts warn that the measures proposed are inadequate. Some analysts argue that to counter the threat the United States will not only have to spend hundreds of billions of dollars but also fundamentally change the way Americans work with computers and the Internet." READ MORE

Climate Change/Energy

GLOBAL ENERGY AFTER THE CRISIS. Christof Rühl, Foreign Affairs, Mar/Apr  2010, var. pp. The economic crisis did not alter the deep structural changes already in global energy markets -- rising energy demand in the developing world and growing concerns about carbon emissions -- and it revealed how the oil, coal, and natural gas markets could help address the major energy challenges ahead. READ MORE

ROADMAP TO THE ELECTRIC CAR ECONOMY. Michael Horn, Rick Docksai. The Futurist. Mar/Apr 2010, pp. 40-46. By the middle of this century, the United States may have
completely transitioned from gasoline to electric vehicles, or EVs. Its economy will then enjoy an EV-energy bonus, somewhat like the peace bonus at the end of the Cold War, but this one will result from saving half of the money that U.S. consumers previously spent on oil imports to make gasoline for all their cars. By then, the bankruptcies of GM
and Chrysler will be a long-forgotten anomaly in the history of the auto industry, because once the auto companies replace the 254.4 million gasoline-powered cars in the United
States with electric ones by mid-century, they will create a manufacturing boom that completely wipes out the losses that they sustained during the 2008 recession. These electric cars will have come a long way from the twentieth-century electric prototypes that required drivers to stop frequently to recharge the batteries, making highway driving nearly impossible. READ MORE

MAKING CAP-AND-TRADE WORK: LESSONS FROM THE EUROPEAN UNION EXPERIENCE. Daniel C. Matisoff. Environment, January/February 2010, pp. 10-19. With members of Congress currently debating institutin a market-based carbon dioxide emission regulatory system, it behooves policy makers to learn from the lessons of those who went before them. Using interviews of individual businesses, industry trade groups, and government agencies, Matisoff makes a close examination of the successes and failures of the European Union's cap-and-trade system, providing the United States with a launching point for its own discussions. READ MORE

CLIMATE OF RISK. Michael Renner, World Watch, Jan/Feb 2010, pp. 18-23. Climate warming demands fresh thinking about security policy. Climate change may very well be the biggest challenge our civilization has ever faced. Left unaddressed, the effects on natural systems, biodiversity, food security, and habitability will likely be calamitous and the economic penalties severe. And in the absence of increased cooperation, runaway climate change may well trigger a whole new age of conflict. We live, after all, in a world marked by profound inequalities, unresolved grievances, and tremendous disparities of power. Ruled by competitive nation-states and rootless global corporations, our planet bristles with arms of all calibers. Under such circumstances, the additional stress imposed by climate change could have tremendous repercussions for human wellbeing, safety, and security. READ MORE

Economy/Financial Markets

THE CRASH OF ’08. Laurence Whitehead. Journal of Democracy, January 2010, pp. 45-56.  For a short while after Lehman Brothers went bankrupt in September 2008 and a paralyzing panic swept global financial markets, the key assumptions of globalization and liberal internationalism that have guided Western thinking since the Berlin Wall fell seemed to be on the brink of tumbling themselves. As what had begun as a financial meltdown morphed into a global economic downturn of unknown severity and duration, a flood of drastic emergency measures created vast new fiscal liabilities amid fears that uncontrollable social protests were just around the corner. Then the fever broke. The inauguration of a new president and Congress in Washington showed how effectively electoral alternation can channel and contain chaotic tendencies in a strongly institutionalized democracy. The extremes of risk aversion and contagious economic paralysis that threatened to run out of control at the end of 2008 contained the seeds of their own reversal. This was not just a question of markets “overshooting” and then self-correcting—it was also the result of a massive public-policy response. The scale of the apparently looming disaster forced central bankers, regulators, finance ministers, and national political leaders to work together. Great names in private finance and business failed, but others (wiser or maybe just luckier) remained solvent and a few even seized new opportunities presented by the crisis. READ MORE

THE FINANCIAL CRISIS AND THE SCIENTIFIC MINDSET. Paul J. Cella III The New Atlantis, Fall 2009 / Winter 2010, var. pp. The author writes that what is becoming clear about the financial collapse in 2008-2009 is that the U.S. economy has been driven by a financial system that relies on a complicated structure of speculative debt, that is enabled by modern technology, is totally dependent on abstractions and mathematical formulas and, as it turned out, can only be kept alive by the intervention of the government.  On the surface, the development of the shadow banking system appears as a technocratic revolution in capitalism, but on a deeper level is “a failure of the modern mind ... and of the reckless grandiosity of modern technological civilization”.  Cella observes that Wall Street was infatuated with “the engineered abstraction, produced by mathematical brilliance and computing capacity”, believing that the untidy reality of the everyday world could be made predictable by their formulas.  He notes that this mindset “is singularly susceptible to falsely imagining that ideas are more real than men . . . This is the simple wisdom that modern finance forgot.”  READ MORE

Welfare/Social Security

CHANGES IN PUBLIC OPINION AND THE AMERICAN WELFARE STATE. Greg M. Shaw, Political Science Quarterly, Winter 2009 - 2010 , pp. 627-653. The debate over the welfare state in the United States has unfolded in the throes of a very long-running tension between on one hand, a deep-seated belief that charity corrupts its recipients and on the other, a conviction of our collective responsibility to care for the vulnerable among us. What makes this interesting, of course, is that many if not most Americans put stock in both sides of the debate. This tension plays out in legislative wrangling over the design of anti-poverty programs, it permeates mass media coverage of the poor, and it has characterized measures of public opinion toward poverty relief as long as there have been such measures. As the American welfare state has grown in fits and starts since the advent of Civil War pensions, voters and policymakers have continued to wrestle with an ambivalence about how to help and how much help to extend to the economically vulnerable, under what circumstances, and from what sources. As the United States confronts steeply rising health care costs, the retirement of the baby boomers, and growing economic inequality, this ambivalence offers both a foundation for the expansion of redistributive policies and a potential obstacle to needed reforms. In tracing some recent contours of public opinion toward redistribution, this essay attempts to elaborate both the political opportunities and challenges to bringing America's welfare state more into line with the needs of a dynamic population. READ MORE

Education

WAGE LEARNERS. Zach Patton, Governing, August 2009, var. pp.  Several big-city U.S. school systems serving underprivileged urban neighborhoods are experimenting with paying students to get good grades.  The author notes that preliminary anecdotal evidence is that school attendance is up, pupils’ academic performance has improved and there are less disciplinary problems; furthermore, the students are not spending the money on frivolous purchases.   Some detractors of the program are doubtful that extrinsic rewards can influence students’ long-term eagerness to learn, and object to the moral aspects of paying some students and not others; the author notes that there have some instances of retribution against students receiving payments.   The schools and other supporters of the program counter that well-off families routinely provide rewards for their children, and the payments-for-good-grades program is merely providing a similar opportunity for children from low-income families.  Saying that “desperate times call for desperate measures”, they hope that the extrinsic rewards program will keep kids in the classroom, where they might discover the intrinsic reward of learning for its own sake. READ MORE

WHAT MAKES A GREAT TEACHER? Amanda Ripley, Atlantic Monthly, January-February 2010, var. pp. Ripley writes that educational systems in the U.S. “have never identified excellent teachers in any reliable, objective way ... Instead, we tend to ascribe their gifts to some mystical quality that we can recognize and revere -- but not replicate.”   However, one organization in America has been systematically pursuing this goal for more than a decade -- tracking hundreds of thousands of kids, and analyzing why some teachers can move kids three grade levels ahead in one year and others can’t.  Teach for America, a nonprofit that recruits college graduates to spend two years teaching in low-income schools, began outside the educational establishment and has largely remained there.  Almost half a million American children are being taught by its 7,300 teachers this year, and the organization tracks test-score data, linked to each teacher, for 85 percent to 90 percent of those kids, most of whom are poor and African-American or Latino.  Teach for America has found that “superstar” teachers set big goals for their students, recruit students and their families into the teaching process and ensure that everything they do contributes to student learning; however, the most important trait of all is that superstar teachers are incredibly persistent in attaining goals.   Knowledge matters, but not in every case, Teach for America has found; graduating from an elite school or having a master’s degree in education does not make much difference on classroom effectiveness.  Now that the Obama administration is offering USD 4 billion to identify and cultivate effective teachers, the states must take radical steps in the education field, where efforts to measure teacher performance based on student test scores have long been fought.  READ MORE

 

   
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