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Topics in this
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March 1, 2010
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The silhouette of man is seen in front of the banner announcing the
New European Treaty of the European Council during the Inaugural
Session of the New European Treaty at the Belem Tower in Lisbon
Tuesday, Dec.1, 2009. (AP Photo/Alvaro Barrientos) |
Transatlantic Relations
NEW TREATY, NEW INFLUENCE? EUROPE'S
CHANCE TO PUNCH ITS WEIGHT. Anthony Luzatto Gardner and Stuart E.
Eizenstat, Foreign Affairs, Mar/Apr 2010, var. pp.
With the Lisbon Treaty now in effect, the European Union has more
power to implement foreign policy decisions -- on paper, at least.
The reformed EU's effectiveness will ultimately depend on whether
its member states focus on continued integration rather than on
retaining their national perspectives. [...] On December 1, 2009,
after nearly a decade of acrimonious debate, the Treaty of Lisbon
entered into force across the 27 member states of the European
Union. The treaty reforms EU institutions, making the organization
more accountable to voters and enhancing its ability to address
European and global challenges. Over the long term, the treaty may
make the EU a more coherent international actor, thereby
significantly affecting non-EU countries, including the United
States.
READ MORE
ASYMMETRIC INTERDEPENDENCE. DO
AMERICA AND EUROPE NEED EACH OTHER? Beate Neuss,
Strategic Studies Quarterly,
Winter 2009, pp. 110-124. America’s
position with regard to the symmetry or asymmetry of the
transatlantic relationship can be found, diplomatically
formulated, between the lines of the vice president’s speech. In
short: “We’re going to attempt to recapture the totality of
America’s strength.” In other words, the United States retains
its claim to the role of world’s leading power—as first among
equals. Consequently, the sort of dialogue between equals that
Europeans so eagerly desire with the United States will not be
based solely on interdependence—that is to say, on mutual
dependence—and instead presupposes to a degree a symmetric
distribution of power.
READ MORE
OBAMA'S “EISENHOWER MOMENT”.
AMERICAN STRATEGIC CHOICES AND THE TRANSATLANTIC DEFENSE
RELATIONSHIP. Edwina Campbell, Strategic
Studies Quarterly, Winter 2009, pp. 3-7.
Instilling confidence among Americans in
his party’s foreign policy competence and credibility requires
that Obama articulate and implement diplomatic, military, and
economic strategies, the ends of which attract broad-based
support both at home and abroad, and the ways and means of which
reflect the realities of a global economic crisis more profound
than any since the 19 0s. But 20 years after the end of the Cold
War, defining a framework for Euro-Atlantic cooperation and
implementing tasks to accomplish common purposes will be even
more difficult than for leaders of the Atlantic alliance in the
1950s. The greatest difficulties, both conceptually and
practically, will arise over strategies projecting, and possibly
using, military force. Despite the departure of the Bush
administration, it remains unclear whether there is a consensus
within Europe on the desirability of cooperating with the United
States on such strategies.
READ MORE
EUROPE, THE SECOND
SUPERPOWER. Andrew Moravcsik, Current History, March 2010, pp.91-98.
It has become fashionable to view the global system
as dominated by the United States, China, and India. How often do we
hear from leading politicians that “The most important relationship
in the twenty-first century is that between Washington and Beijing”?
Or that the “rise of the rest” is the great phenomenon of our time?
Missing from this equation is Europe. The “Old Continent’s”
reputation for sluggish economic and demographic growth, political
disunity, and weak militaries has convinced most foreign analysts
that the future belongs to Asia and the United States. Indeed, among
scholars, commentators, and politicians alike, the conventional view
is that the contemporary world is “unipolar,” with the United States
standing alone as a sole superpower. With the rise of China, India,
and perhaps some other nations, the world may become—if it is not
already—multipolar. But Europe’s role in the geopolitical balance,
according to this view, remains insignificant.
READ MORE
EUROPEAN FOREIGN POLICY AFTER LISBON:
STRENGTHENING THE EU AS AN INTERNATIONAL ACTOR, Kateryna Koehler,
Caucasian Review of International Affairs, Winter 2010, pp. 57-72.
Following years of compromise, the
Treaty of Lisbon finally came into force on December 1, 2009. This
article analyses the new substantive law regulations and
institutional arrangements of the Lisbon Treaty in the field of
external relations and their impact on the effectiveness of the
European foreign policy and the European Union as an international
actor. For this purpose, this paper starts with analyses of the
principle of coherence and continues with the reformed structure and
legal personality of the EU, which was previously a serious
challenge for the coherence of the EU’s foreign policy. Finally,
this article examines the functions and implications of
institutional innovations, namely, the positions of the High
Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy,
the President of the European Council and the European External
Action Service. This paper argues that the Treaty of Lisbon improves
the preconditions for a higher degree of coherence in European
external relations and strengthens the EU as an international actor,
even if the success of the European foreign policy, especially in
the field of CFSP, still depends to a great extent on the Member
States’ willingness to cooperate.
READ MORE
What's Happening with Russia
RUSSIA'S PRAGMATIC
REIMPERIALIZATION.
Janusz Bugajski, Caucasian Review of International Affairs,
Winter 2010, pp. 3-19."The Russian authorities are engaged in a policy of
'pragmatic reimperialization' in seeking to restore Moscow's regional
dominance, undermining U.S. global influence, dividing the NATO
alliance, neutralizing the European Union (EU), limiting further
NATO and EU enlargement, and re-establishing zones of "privileged
interest" in the former Soviet bloc, where pliant governments are
targeted through economic, political, and security instruments.
Russia's strategies are pragmatic and opportunistic by avoiding
ideology and political partisanship and focusing instead on an
assortment of threats, pressures, inducements, and incentives.
Despite its expansive ambitions, the Russian Federation is -
potentially - a failing state, and may be resorting to increasingly
desperate imperial reactions to intractable internal problems that
could presage the country's territorial disintegration.
READ MORE
WHAT'S THE MATTER WITH RUSSIA?
Lilia Shevtsova, Journal of Democracy, Jan 2010, pp. 152-159.
"History had utterly failed to prepare Russia, which had been closed
off from the outside world for decades, for the changes to come.
[...] Gorbachev's perestroika, which triggered the unraveling of the
USSR, only reinforced fears among the Russian elite that further
liberalization would bring about the collapse of the Russian
Federation."
READ MORE
THE SOURCES OF RUSSIA'S INSECURITY. Thomas
Graham, Thomas, Survival, Feb-March 2010, pp. 55–74.
"Historically, ensuring Russia's survival and territorial integrity
was the top priority for Russia's leaders. The challenge arose from
Russia's geopolitical setting and political system. This task
remains the top priority today, despite claims that Russia has
returned as a great power. For the first time in modern history,
Russia is surrounded by more dynamic states and regions, and these
poles of power and attraction threaten to pull it apart over time.
To survive, Russia must modernise. Success will require a concerted
effort to deal with a range of pressing socio-economic and political
issues. Most challenging will be reordering the traditional
relationship between state and society to nurture society and
mobilise it for this task."
READ MORE
Iraq
IRAQ: WATER, WATER NOWHERE.
Martin Chulov, World Policy Journal, Winter 2009/2010, var.
pages. "In Baghdad, the lack of water has been an inconvenience, an eyesore,
and a health hazard. Raw sewage and refuse pumped into the Tigris is
not flushed downstream as rapidly as it once was. The Tigris is
Baghdad's main artery, but it is also still a working river, long
traversed by small commuter ferries, industrial barges, and, in the
city's halcyon days, even pleasure boats. Giant mud islands now
protrude from the once wide, blue expanse of the river, making it
unnavigable for larger vessels. Further downstream, and especially
along the Euphrates--which runs roughly on a parallel track west
though Iraq's bread basket--the effects of the shortage are far
worse. Here, Chulov looks at the water shortage in Iraq and
discusses how it affected the country."
READ MORE
REFUGEE WARRIORS OR WAR REFUGEES? IRAQI
REFUGEES' PREDICAMENT IN SYRIA, JORDAN AND LEBANON. Reinoud
Leenders, Mediterranean Politics, November 2009, pp. 343-363.
"This essay attempts to disentangle a debate within the study of
refugee crises and their security implications involving 'refugee
warriors'. It situates the debate in the context of the Iraqi
refugee crisis and its purported and real manifestations in three
main host countries: Syria, Jordan and Lebanon. The research's
findings show a serious divergence between theorizing on refugee
warriors and the important case of Iraq's war refugees. In the light
of this and given the comparative literature's own contradictory
evidence, the essay argues that the generalized application of the
refugee warrior label and the overstated prominence given to it by
some scholars and by practitioners within the international refugee
regime need to be critically examined. In reference to Iraqi
refugees' abandonment in terms of protection and given strenuous
efforts to contain them to the region, it is suggested that the
label appears to have gained currency with the effect of helping to
impose an 'in-region solution' for refugees and drastically curbing
refugees' access to direct asylum procedures in North America and
Western Europe."
READ MORE
WHEN AND HOW PARLIAMENTS INFLUENCE FOREIGN
POLICY: THE CASE OF TURKEY'S IRAQ DECISION.
Baris Kesgin, Juliet Kaarbo, International Studies Perspectives, Feb
2010, pp. 19-36. "Turkey's decision on its role in the Iraq war in 2003 illustrates
the power--and limits--of parliaments as actors in foreign policy.
Traditionally, assemblies are not seen as important players in the
foreign policies of parliamentary democracies. Instead, cabinets are
generally considered the chief policymaking authorities. If the
government enjoys a parliamentary majority, legislatures typically
support the cabinet, if they are brought into the process at all.
The March 1, 2003 vote by the Turkish parliament to not allow the
United States to use Turkey as a base for the Iraq invasion
challenges this conventional wisdom on parliamentary influence (in
addition to many interest-based explanations of foreign policy).
This paper examines this decision in the context of the role of
parliaments in foreign policies and explores the relationships
between parliamentary influence, leadership, intraparty politics,
and public opinion."
READ MORE
PRUDENCE AND PRESIDENTIAL ETHICS: THE DECISIONS ON IRAQ OF THE
TWO PRESIDENTS BUSH.
J Patrick Dobel, Presidential Studies Quarterly, March 2010,
pp. 57-75. "A very exacting type of prudence is demanded of ethical and
effective political leaders. It requires critical self-awareness,
diligence in obtaining information and modifying one's conduct in
light of it, and attentiveness to the fit and proportionality of
means and ends. Although there are counterparts in personal life to
these attributes, the prudence of political leaders has a further
dimension because of their responsibility for the welfare of the
polity, whether a city or an entire nation. The importance of
political prudence in the U.S. presidency is illustrated by a
comparative analysis of the decision-making processes regarding Iraq
in the administrations of George H. W. Bush and George W. Bush. The
sharp contrasts between them suggest that prudence and other
political virtues may be substantially independent of ideology,
class, and social background."
READ MORE
THREE IRAQ INTELLIGENCE FAILURES RECONSIDERED.
David Hannay, Survival, Dec 2009/Jan 2010, pp. 13–20.
"So pervasive is the criticism of the invasion of Iraq in 2003, and
even more so of the policy decisions taken in its immediate
aftermath, that little attempt is made to situate these developments
in some kind of historical context that takes account of the events
which preceded the Bush administration's decision to go to war.
Here, Hannay talks about the three Iraq intelligence failures, which
is reconsidered today."
READ MORE
Middle East
IN PURSUIT OF DEMOCRACY AND SECURITY IN THE
GREATER MIDDLE EAST. Daniel Brumberg, USIP Study Group Report,
January 2010, var. pages. "Can the Obama administration
simultaneously pursue democracy and security in the Middle East? Can
the U.S. engage autocratic regimes and push for human rights at the
same time? The U.S. can and it should, according to a new USIP Study
Group Report on Political Reform and Security in the Greater Middle
East. This extensive paper examines the complex nexus between
democratic change and U.S. security interests, with a principal
focus on Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco and Yemen. It sets out a
set of general and country-specific findings and recommendations for
a long-term strategy by which “political liberalization” can enhance
the stability and legitimacy of governments, thus strengthening
security and peacemaking in the region."
READ MORE
THE ARAB TOMORROW. David B. Ottaway, Wilson Quarterly, Winter 2010,
pp. 48-64.
"Decades of drift have brought the Arab
world to the edge of disaster. Entrenched
regimes stifle reform, while oil, Islam, and
social discontent mix in explosive combinations.
Change is coming. The question is,
who will lead it ?"
READ MORE
AFTER IRAN GETS THE BOMB.
James M. Lindsay and Ray Takeyh, Foreign Affairs, March-April
2010, var. pages. "Despite international pressure, Iran appears to be continuing
its march toward getting a nuclear bomb. But Washington can contain
and mitigate the consequences of Tehran's nuclear defiance, keeping
an abhorrent outcome from becoming a catastrophic one."
READ MORE
Netwar and Cyberwar
THE NEW RULES OF WAR. John Arquilla, Foreign Policy,
March-April 2010, var. pages. "The visionary who first saw the age of "netwar" coming warns that
the U.S. military is getting it wrong all over again. Here’s his
plan to make conflict cheaper, smaller, and smarter."
READ MORE
CYBER WARRIORS. James Fallows,
The Atlantic, March 2010,
var. pp. When will China emerge as a military threat
to the U.S.? In most respects the answer is: not anytime soon—China
doesn’t even contemplate a time it might challenge America directly.
But one significant threat already exists: cyberwar. Attacks—not
just from China but from Russia and elsewhere—on America’s
electronic networks cost millions of dollars and could in the
extreme cause the collapse of financial life, the halt of most
manufacturing systems, and the evaporation of all the data and
knowledge stored on the Internet.
READ MORE
CYBERSECURITY: ARE U.S. MILITARY AND
CIVILIAN COMPUTER SYSTEMS SAFE?
Patrick Marshall, The CQ Researcher, February 26, 2010, pp.
169-192. "The recent attacks on Google servers, apparently launched from
China, underscore the threat cyberattacks pose to American
individuals and businesses as well as to national security. In
addition to billions of dollars being stolen by cybercriminals,
military secrets and critical civilian infrastructure — including
utilities, transportation and finance — also are at risk. Indeed,
attempted attacks on Pentagon computers alone number in the tens of
thousands each year. The hackers range from international gangs to
the agents of other countries. Lawmakers and cybersecurity analysts
agree the U.S. is woefully unprepared to deal with the challenge.
Civilian and military leaders say they are ramping up defensive
efforts, but many experts warn that the measures proposed are
inadequate. Some analysts argue that to counter the threat the
United States will not only have to spend hundreds of billions of
dollars but also fundamentally change the way Americans work with
computers and the Internet."
READ MORE
Climate Change/Energy
GLOBAL ENERGY AFTER THE CRISIS.
Christof Rühl, Foreign Affairs, Mar/Apr 2010, var. pp.
The economic crisis did not alter the deep structural changes
already in global energy markets -- rising energy demand in the
developing world and growing concerns about carbon emissions -- and
it revealed how the oil, coal, and natural gas markets could help
address the major energy challenges ahead.
READ MORE
ROADMAP TO THE
ELECTRIC CAR ECONOMY. Michael Horn, Rick Docksai.
The Futurist.
Mar/Apr 2010, pp. 40-46.
By the middle of this century, the United States may have
completely transitioned from gasoline to electric vehicles, or EVs.
Its economy will then enjoy an EV-energy bonus, somewhat like the peace bonus at the end
of the Cold War, but this one will result from saving half of the
money that U.S. consumers previously spent on oil imports to make
gasoline for all their cars. By then, the bankruptcies of GM
and Chrysler will be a long-forgotten anomaly in the history of the
auto industry, because once the auto companies replace the 254.4
million gasoline-powered cars in the United
States with electric ones by mid-century, they will create a
manufacturing boom that completely wipes out the losses that they
sustained during the 2008 recession. These electric cars will have
come a long way from the twentieth-century electric prototypes that
required drivers to stop frequently to recharge the batteries,
making highway driving nearly impossible.
READ MOREMAKING CAP-AND-TRADE WORK: LESSONS FROM THE EUROPEAN
UNION EXPERIENCE. Daniel C. Matisoff.
Environment, January/February 2010, pp.
10-19. With members of Congress
currently debating institutin a market-based carbon dioxide
emission regulatory system, it behooves policy makers to learn
from the lessons of those who went before them. Using interviews
of individual businesses, industry trade groups, and government
agencies, Matisoff makes a close examination of the successes
and failures of the European Union's cap-and-trade system,
providing the United States with a launching point for its own
discussions.
READ MORE
CLIMATE OF RISK. Michael Renner, World Watch,
Jan/Feb 2010, pp. 18-23. Climate warming demands
fresh thinking about security policy. Climate change may very well
be the biggest challenge our civilization has ever faced. Left
unaddressed, the effects on natural systems, biodiversity, food
security, and habitability will likely be calamitous and the
economic penalties severe. And in the absence of increased
cooperation, runaway climate change may well trigger a whole new age
of conflict. We live, after all, in a world marked by profound
inequalities, unresolved grievances, and tremendous disparities of
power. Ruled by competitive nation-states and rootless global
corporations, our planet bristles with arms of all calibers. Under
such circumstances, the additional stress imposed by climate change
could have tremendous repercussions for human wellbeing, safety, and
security.
READ MORE
Economy/Financial Markets
THE CRASH OF ’08.
Laurence Whitehead. Journal of Democracy, January 2010, pp.
45-56. For a
short while after Lehman Brothers went bankrupt in September 2008
and a paralyzing panic swept global financial markets, the key
assumptions of globalization and liberal internationalism that have
guided Western thinking since the Berlin Wall fell seemed to be on
the brink of tumbling themselves. As what had begun as a financial
meltdown morphed into a global economic downturn of unknown severity
and duration, a flood of drastic emergency measures created vast new
fiscal liabilities amid fears that uncontrollable social protests
were just around the corner. Then the fever broke. The inauguration
of a new president and Congress in Washington showed how effectively
electoral alternation can channel and contain chaotic tendencies in
a strongly institutionalized democracy. The extremes of risk
aversion and contagious economic paralysis that threatened to run out of control at the end of 2008
contained the seeds of their own reversal. This was not just a
question of markets “overshooting” and then self-correcting—it was
also the result of a massive public-policy response. The scale of
the apparently looming disaster forced central bankers, regulators,
finance ministers, and national political leaders to work together.
Great names in private finance and business failed, but others
(wiser or maybe just luckier) remained solvent and a few even seized
new opportunities presented by the crisis.
READ MORE
THE FINANCIAL
CRISIS AND THE SCIENTIFIC MINDSET. Paul J. Cella III The New
Atlantis, Fall 2009 / Winter 2010, var. pp. The author writes that what is becoming clear about
the financial collapse in 2008-2009 is that the U.S. economy has
been driven by a financial system that relies on a complicated
structure of speculative debt, that is enabled by modern technology,
is totally dependent on abstractions and mathematical formulas and,
as it turned out, can only be kept alive by the intervention of the
government. On the surface, the development of the shadow banking system appears as a
technocratic revolution in capitalism, but on a deeper level is “a
failure of the modern mind ... and of the reckless grandiosity of
modern technological civilization”. Cella observes that Wall Street was infatuated with “the
engineered abstraction, produced by mathematical brilliance and
computing capacity”, believing that the untidy reality of the
everyday world could be made predictable by their formulas.
He notes that this mindset “is singularly susceptible to falsely imagining that ideas are more real
than men . . . This is the simple wisdom that modern finance forgot.”
READ MORE
Welfare/Social Security
CHANGES IN PUBLIC OPINION AND THE AMERICAN
WELFARE STATE. Greg M.
Shaw, Political Science Quarterly, Winter 2009 - 2010 , pp. 627-653.
The debate over the welfare
state in the United States has unfolded in the throes of a very
long-running tension between on one hand, a deep-seated belief that
charity corrupts its recipients and on the other, a conviction of
our collective responsibility to care for the vulnerable among us.
What makes this interesting, of course, is that many if not most
Americans put stock in both sides of the debate. This tension plays
out in legislative wrangling over the design of anti-poverty
programs, it permeates mass media coverage of the poor, and it has
characterized measures of public opinion toward poverty relief as
long as there have been such measures. As the American welfare state
has grown in fits and starts since the advent of Civil War pensions,
voters and policymakers have continued to wrestle with an
ambivalence about how to help and how much help to extend to the
economically vulnerable, under what circumstances, and from what
sources. As the United States confronts steeply rising health care costs, the retirement of the
baby boomers, and growing economic inequality, this ambivalence
offers both a foundation for the expansion of redistributive
policies and a potential obstacle to needed reforms. In tracing some
recent contours of public opinion toward redistribution, this essay
attempts to elaborate both the political opportunities and
challenges to bringing America's welfare state more into line with
the needs of a dynamic population.
READ MORE
Education
WAGE LEARNERS. Zach Patton, Governing, August 2009, var. pp. Several
big-city U.S. school systems serving underprivileged urban
neighborhoods are experimenting with paying students to get good
grades. The author notes that preliminary anecdotal evidence is that school attendance is up,
pupils’ academic performance has improved and there are less
disciplinary problems; furthermore, the students are not spending
the money on frivolous purchases. Some detractors of the program are doubtful that extrinsic
rewards can influence students’ long-term eagerness to learn, and
object to the moral aspects of paying some students and not others;
the author notes that there have some instances of retribution
against students receiving payments. The schools and other supporters of the program counter that
well-off families routinely provide rewards for their children, and
the payments-for-good-grades program is merely providing a similar
opportunity for children from low-income families.
Saying that “desperate times call for desperate measures”,
they hope that the extrinsic rewards program will keep kids in the
classroom, where they might discover the intrinsic reward of
learning for its own sake.
READ MORE
WHAT MAKES A
GREAT TEACHER? Amanda Ripley, Atlantic Monthly, January-February 2010, var. pp. Ripley writes that educational systems in the U.S. “have never
identified excellent teachers in any reliable, objective way ...
Instead, we tend to ascribe their gifts to some mystical quality
that we can recognize and revere -- but not replicate.”
However, one organization in America has been systematically
pursuing this goal for more than a decade -- tracking hundreds of
thousands of kids, and analyzing why some teachers can move kids
three grade levels ahead in one year and others can’t.
Teach for America,
a nonprofit that recruits college graduates to spend two years
teaching in low-income schools, began outside the educational
establishment and has largely remained there.
Almost half a million
American children are being taught by its 7,300 teachers this year,
and the organization tracks test-score data, linked to each teacher,
for 85 percent to 90 percent of those kids, most of whom are poor
and African-American or Latino. Teach
for America has found that “superstar” teachers set big goals for their students, recruit students and their
families into the teaching process and ensure that everything they
do contributes to student learning; however, the most
important trait of all is that superstar teachers are incredibly
persistent in attaining goals.
Knowledge matters, but not in every case, Teach for America
has found; graduating from an elite school or having a master’s
degree in education does not make much difference on classroom
effectiveness. Now that the
Obama administration is offering USD 4 billion to identify and
cultivate effective teachers, the states must take radical steps in
the education field, where efforts to measure teacher performance
based on student test scores have long been fought.
READ MORE
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