Human Rights

EMPTY PROMISES? Kenneth Roth, Foreign Affairs, March/April 2010, pp. 10-16.
"After eight years of the Bush administration, with its torture of suspected terrorists and disregard for international law, Barack Obama's victory in the November 2008 US presidential election seemed a breath of fresh air to human rights activists. Obama took office at a moment when the world desperately needed renewed US leadership. Obama moved rapidly to reverse the most abusive aspects of the Bush administration's approach to fighting terrorism. The Obama administration has so far refused to investigate and prosecute those who ordered or committed torture -- a necessary step to prevent future administrations from committing the crime. Obama has also tried to distinguish himself from Bush in his approach to detaining suspects without charge or trial. During the 2008 election campaign, Obama promised to replace Bush's notorious unilateralism with a greater commitment to cooperation, alliance building, and engagement with adversaries." READ MORE

MULTICULTURALISM AND INTERNATIONAL LAW: DISCUSSING UNIVERSAL STANDARDS. Alexandra Xanthaki, Human Rights Quarterly, February 2010, pp. 21-48. "This article aims to assess the contribution of current international human rights law to the multicultural debate. The article argues that although international law has not engaged in a sustained way with the concept, the basic elements of multiculturalism are in fact promoted by current standards. Among these discussed are the recognition of cultural attachments in the public sphere, the need for interaction among cultures, and the understanding of sub-national groups as equal partners in the evolution of the society. A closer look at the standards and their dynamic interpretation by UN bodies also reveals helpful answers to difficult challenges currently posed by multiculturalism, including extremism and clashes between cultural practices and other human rights." READ MORE

PROBLEMATIC POTENTIAL: THE HUMAN RIGHTS CONSEQUENCES OF PEACEKEEPING INTERVENTIONS IN CIVIL WARS. Amanda Murdie, David R. Davis, Human Rights Quarterly, February 2010, pp. 49-72. "Does peacekeeping intervention improve the human rights situation in states with a history of civil war? While this question has received a myriad of attention and debate within the human rights community, there have been relatively few studies that attempt to answer this question. Examining the characteristics of peacekeeping following civil war from 1980 to 2004, this article finds that peacekeeping can both encourage and undermine respect for human rights. Specifically, the mission and activities of peacekeepers matter. These findings support the human rights community's stance that peacekeeping can be problematic but holds promise for human rights in post-conflict states." READ MORE

Terrorism

PROSECUTING TERRORISTS: SHOULD SUSPECTED TERRORISTS BE GIVEN MILITARY OR CIVIL TRIALS? Kenneth Jost, CQ Researcher, March 12, 2010, pp. 217-240. "President Obama is under fierce political attack for the administration's decision to try Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, the alleged mastermind of the Sept. 11 attacks, and Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab, the so-called Christmas Day bomber, in civilian courts instead of military tribunals. Republican lawmakers argue the defendants in both cases should be treated as 'enemy combatants' and tried in the military commissions established during the Bush administration. Administration officials and Democratic lawmakers say criminal prosecutions are more effective, having produced hundreds of convictions since 9/11 compared to only three in the military system. And they insist that Abdulmutallab is providing useful information under interrogation by FBI agents. But the administration is reconsidering Attorney General Eric Holder's original decision to hold Mohammed's trial in New York City and considering making greater use of military commissions with other terrorism cases." READ MORE

CRACKS IN THE JIHAD. Thomas Rid, The Wilson Quarterly, Winter 2010, pp. 40-47. "In the years since late 2001, when U.S. and coalition forces toppled the Taliban regime and all but destroyed Al Qaeda's core organization in Afghanistan, the bin Laden brand has been bleeding popularity across the Muslim world. The global jihad, as a result has been torn by mounting internal tensions. Today, the holy war is set to slip into three distinct ideological and organizational niches. The U.S. surge in Afghanistan, whether successful or not, is likely to affect this development only marginally." READ MORE

POST-9/11 RESPONSES TO MASS CASUALTY BOMBINGS IN EUROPE: LESSONS, TRENDS AND IMPLICATIONS FOR THE UNITED STATES. Anthony Fratta, Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, Apr 2010, pp. 364–385. "This report analyzes the actions taken by emergency responders in three case studies of post-9/11 terrorist attacks in Europe (Istanbul [2003], Madrid [2004] and London [2005]). It also assesses the targeting and tactical information gleaned from three European plots that either failed or were foiled by authorities. The focus of this report is on mass casualty, complex attack scenarios involving explosive or incendiary materials. Although such attacks are not limited to one particular strand of terrorism, the case studies assessed in this report are linked to or inspired by the global jihadist movement spearheaded by the al Qaeda network, since this currently constitutes the most significant threat of mass casualty bombings to the United States." READ MORE

DO COUNTERTERRORISM AND COUNTERINSURGENCY GO TOGETHER? Michael J. Boyle, International Affairs, March 2010, pp 333-353. One of the underlying assumptions of the contemporary debate over Afghanistan is that counterterrorism objectives can be achieved through counterinsurgency methods. The recent decision by President Barack Obama to deploy 30,000 extra troops to Afghanistan is premised on the idea that to disrupt Al Qaeda and prevent it from forming training camps in Afghanistan it will be necessary to first reverse the momentum of the Taleban insurgency. This approach—which places the US and UK on the offensive to disrupt terrorist plots before they arrive on their shores—assumes that the threats from Al Qaeda and the Taleban are intertwined and thus the strategy of response must seamlessly comprise elements of counterterrorism and counterinsurgency. In fact, counterterrorism and counterinsurgency are very different—often contradictory—models of warfare, each with its own associated assumptions regarding the role of force, the importance of winning support among the local population, and the necessity of building strong and representative government. Rather than being mutually reinforcing, they may impose tradeoffs on each other, as counterterrorism activities may blunt the effectiveness of counterinsurgency approaches and vice versa. The last four years in Afghanistan provide evidence that when employed in the same theatre counterterrorism and counterinsurgency strategies can offset one another. To be in a position to begin the withdrawal of US troops before July 2011, the Obama administration will need to find a way to manage the tradeoffs between its counterterrorism and counterinsurgency strategies in Afghanistan. READ MORE

Nuclear nonproliferation

PLANNING THE FUTURE U.S. NUCLEAR FORCE. National Institute for Public Policy, Comparative Strategy, January 2010, pp. 1-216.  "One important set of issues concerns the purposes and qualities of the U.S. nuclear force best suited to contemporary security conditions. These are questions of force planning that bear directly on U.S. arms control, alliance, and non-proliferation policies. Given the potentially grave consequences of error, careful analysis should inform discussion and decisions concerning the future of the nuclear force." READ MORE

RETHINKING THE NPT'S ROLE IN SECURITY: 2010 AND BEYOND. Rebecca Johnson, International Affairs, March 2010, pp. 429 "As the states parties to the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) plan for the May 2010 review conference, they are faced with recurring political challenges that call into question the long-term sustainability of the presently constituted non-proliferation regime, notwithstanding the important role the NPT and its related institutions have played in slowing the pace of proliferation for four decades. Even if the review conference is deemed a success, its outcome is unlikely to address the regime's core structural weaknesses and normative contradictions. Frustration with the continuing status and benefits accorded to nuclear-armed states outside as well as within the NPT, will continue to diminish confidence in the effectiveness of traditional non-proliferation and deterrence practices." READ MORE

THE LONG ROAD TO ZERO. Charles D Ferguson, Foreign Affairs, Jan/Feb 2010, pp. 86-94. "Over the past three years, a remarkable bipartisan consensus has emerged in Washington regarding nuclear security. The new US nuclear agenda includes renewing formal arms control agreements with Russia, revitalizing a strategic dialogue with China, pushing for ratification of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, repairing the damaged nuclear nonproliferation regime, and redoubling efforts to reduce and secure fissile material that may be used in weapons. In order to speed the reduction of its own nuclear arsenal and encourage other countries' disarmament, the US will have to confront three daunting obstacles: the insecurities of nations, including some currently protected under the US nuclear umbrella and others that see a nuclear capability as the answer to many of their security problems; the notion that nuclear weapons are the great equalizer in the realm of international relations; and the proliferation risk that inevitably arises whenever nuclear supplier states offer to build civilian reactors for nonnuclear states. READ MORE

U.S. - Turkey Relationship

FRIENDS NO MORE? THE RISE OF ANTI-AMERICAN NATIONALISM IN TURKEY. Ioannis N Grigoriadis, The Middle East Journal, Winter 2010, pp. 51-66. "This article examines the rise of anti-American nationalism in Turkey. While Turkish public opinion has developed strong views against a set of foreign policies furthered by the United States, recent findings allude to the development of an emerging anti-US bias in large segments of Turkish society. The deterioration of the US image in Turkey could be considered a result of the recent US involvement in the Middle East, as well as socio-political shifts inherent to Turkey's democratization process." READ MORE

THE UNITED STATES AND TURKEY: A VIEW FROM THE OBAMA ADMINISTRATION. Philip H. Gordon, Remarks at the The Brookings Institution, March 17, 2010, var. pp. The topic that I wish to address is the relationship between the United States and Turkey – a dynamic and multi-faceted relationship that is beneficial to both our countries. This could hardly be a more important or timely subject and this is a particularly appropriate moment to reflect on it. Almost a year ago, President Obama traveled to Turkey during his first overseas trip. He went to deliver a message of partnership, saying “Turkey and the United States must stand together – and work together – to overcome the challenges of our time.” Turkey and the United States have been partners for decades and that partnership is as important today as it has ever been. When Secretary Clinton went on her first trip to Europe, she too made a point of going to Turkey and she spoke of Turkey as a critical partner. The reasons why the President and the Secretary traveled to Turkey early in this administration’s term are the reasons why I want to talk about Turkey today – because we believe that an engaged, active, and cooperative relationship with Turkey is an important interest of the United States. As the President put it when he met Prime Minister Erdogan at the White House in December, “given Turkey's history as a secular democratic state that respects the rule of law, but is also a majority Muslim nation, it plays a critical role … in helping to shape mutual understanding and stability and peace not only in its neighborhood but around the world.” READ MORE

BRICs

BRAZIL AS AN EMERGING POWER: THE VIEW FROM THE UNITED STATES. Shannon K. O'Neil, South African Institute of International Affairs, February 2010, var. pages. "The United States has always seen Brazil as a significant regional powerhouse, but its perceived importance has risen in the last decade. Because of its economic strength, its hemispheric leadership and its growing geostrategic role through multilateral international forums, it has become a vital player in regional and global politics across numerous dimensions. While US recognition of Brazil's political and economic emergence brought to the fore the question of how Washington should manage relations with Brasilia, translating this new awareness into concrete bilateral policies and partnerships remains diffi cult. It is unclear whether the US and Brazil will be willing and able to form a 'special relationship.'"  READ MORE

CHINA AND THE BRICS: A REAL (BUT LIMITED) PARTNERSHIP IN A UNIPOLAR WORLD. Michael A Glosny, Polity, January 2010, pp. 100–129. "Although Chinese leaders and analysts believe it is too early to judge the U.S. to be in fundamental decline, they do recognize that 'newly emerging powers' (xinxing daguo) are an increasingly important force in international politics. In the past couple of years, the BRICs (Brazil, Russia, India, and China) have transformed themselves from an abstract notion into a more formal political grouping. For China, besides helping to minimize dependence on the U.S. and possibly to constrain American unilateralism, BRIC cooperation serves several other functions. China also benefits from this cooperation by stabilizing its international environment, helping other developing countries, strengthening its identity as a developing country, coordinating its position with other BRICs to maximize leverage, and hiding in a group to avoid negative attention." READ MORE

HOW REFORM HAS POWERED BRAZIL'S RISE. Riordan Roett, Current History, February 2010, pp. 47-52. "After the military rule and the ineffectual civilian governments that the country endured from 1964 to 1994, Brazil has turned the corner. In 2001, when the investment bank Goldman Sachs introduced the term “BRIC” to refer to four fast-growing developing economies (Brazil, Russia, India, and China), Brazil was seen as the laggard in the group. Since then, however, it has moved quickly to consolidate its BRIC status and has made major strides toward its goal of attaining global importance." READ MORE

Financial Crisis

A SIMPLE MARKET MECHANISM TO CLEAN UP OUR ECONOMY. Peter Barnes and Bill McKibben, Solutions, January-February 2010, var. pp. A progressive and revolutionary plan for reducing carbon emissions called “cap-and-dividend” is outlined by the authors.  Carbon permits would be auctioned, monthly dividends paid to citizens to help defray costs of sustainable energy development and use.  It would be transparent and simple to administer.  “Markets currently assume the atmosphere can absorb an infinite amount of CO2 since the price for emitting it is exactly zero.  Capping the carbon supply will inform markets of nature’s limits,” they write, adding that the technological progress required will be easy compared to structuring the economics. READ MORE

The Global Economic Crisis and the Cohesion of Europe. Alun Jones, Julian Clark, and Angus Cameron, Eurasian Geography and Economics.  Jan/Feb 2010. pp. 35-51.  Three EU-based human geographers argue for the need to contextualize the meaning
of the current economic crisis in Europe, pointing to precedents in European history. More specifically, they view Europe (as both a set of practices and ideas) as a product of successive crises that have yielded an unexpectedly resilient structure for the European Union, which retains sufficient flexibility to permit different EU members to adapt their economies to the crisis on their own terms without descending into the disintegrative pull of protectionism. The authors also show how the uneven effects of the economic crisis threaten a renewed east–west divide, and highlight the ongoing relevance of the European Union as a transnational fiscal regime with important implications for Europe’s future. READ MORE

Cyberspace

A TREATY FOR CYBERSPACE. Rex Hughes, International Affairs, March 2010, pp. 523-541. In the wake of the crippling cyber attack on Estonia's internet infrastructure in 2007, several world powers announced their intentions to deploy offensive capabilities in cyberspace. As cyberspace evolves from a technology enthusiast's domain into a global economic and military 'battlespace', the likelihood of a major interstate cyber conflict increases significantly. The article discusses why now may be the time for international society to begin working towards ratification of a global cyber treaty. It begins by reviewing the converging forces responsible for making cyberspace a dynamic zone of political and economic competition among states. It then examines the central debates surrounding how the laws of armed conflict may or may not apply to cyber warfare. The article concludes by arguing that given proper political support, a multilateral cyber treaty could prove an effective international instrument in preventing cyberspace from becoming the default platform for states seeking to settle conflicts outside the reach of customary international law and diplomacy. READ MORE

CYBER-APOCALYPSE NOW: SECURING THE INTERNET AGAINST CYBERTERRISM AND USING UNIVERSAL JURISDICTION AS A DETERRENT. Kelly A. Gable, Vanderbilt Journal of Transnational Law, January 2010, pp.57(62). Cyberterrorism has become one of the most significant threats to the national and international security of the modern state, and cyberattacks are occuring with increased frequency. The internet not only makes it
easier for terrorists to communicate, organize terrorist cellsm share information, plan attacks, and recruit others but also is increasingly being used to commit cyberterrorist acts. It is cleasr that the international community may only ignore cyberterrorism at its peril. [...] In the absence of feasible prevention, deterrence of cyberterrorism may be the best alternative. Without, at a minimum, a concerted effort at deterrence, cyberterrorism will continue to threaten national and international security. The most feasible way to deter cyberterrorists is to prosecute them under the international law principle of universal jurisdiction.  READ MORE 

Urban Violence

YOUTH VIOLENCE: ARE "GET TOUGH" POLICIES THE BEST APPROACH? Thomas J. Billitteri, CQ Researcher, March 5, 2010 193-216. "Several recent violent crimes by youths, including the vicious beating death of a Chicago honor student by a mob of teenagers, have sparked a new look at urban youth violence. Despite a steep overall drop in youth crime in recent years, researchers say many urban areas continue to be plagued by homicide and other violence involving young offenders. Some experts say tougher sentencing laws and a greater focus on parental responsibility are the best ways to fight the violence, while others argue for more federal money for social programs and anti-violence efforts. In some cities, collaborative approaches involving police, educators, community leaders and neighborhood groups are aimed at pressing youths to forsake violence while offering them a path toward redemption. Meanwhile, two competing proposals are being considered on Capitol Hill, and major foundations are funding programs to help youths in trouble." READ MORE

YOUTH VIOLENCE - CRIME OR SELF-HELP? MARGINALIZED URBAN MALES' PERSPECTIVES ON THE LIMITED EFFICACY OF THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM TO STOP YOUTH VIOLENCE. Deanna L Wilkinson, Chauncey C Beaty, Regina M Lurry, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, May 2009, pp. 25-38. "In 1983, sociologist Donald Black proposed the theory of 'Crime as Social Control,' in which he argued that for the socially disadvantaged, crime is commonly moralistic and can be characterized as self-help in the pursuit of justice when legal protection fails. This article uses Black's theory as a framework to assess the role of violence among African American male youth in disadvantaged urban communities in New York City. Using in-depth interview data for 416 young violent male offenders, the authors analyze youths' perspectives on their personal safety; access to legal, governmental, and communal protection from violence; the effectiveness of the criminal justice system and police in addressing crime and violence in their neighborhoods; and the need to rely on self- and group/gang-protection as a means of social control. The implications for self-help theory are discussed." READ MORE

CRIME AND U.S. CITIES: RECENT PATTERS AND IMPLICATIONS. Ingrid Gould Ellen, Katherine O'Regan. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Nov 2009, pp. 22-38. "Crime fell substantially in the United States between the early 1990s and 2005. This article examines the size and nature of crime reductions that occurred in cities and their surrounding suburbs and identifies the characteristics of cities experiencing greater declines. The authors then explore two questions: how these changes altered existing disparities in safety (or exposure to crime) among particular groups and the extent to which these reductions increased the relative attractiveness of cities and ultimately led to city growth. The authors find that reductions in crime contributed to the ability of cities to retain households that might otherwise have moved to tile suburbs, although the measurable impact on overall city growth is modest at best. Additionally, reductions in crime clearly changed the geography of crime and dramatically reshaped differential exposure to crime among demographic groups. At the city and neighborhood level, the authors find that the distribution of crime reductions was highly "progressive," disproportionately benefiting historically disadvantaged groups." READ MORE