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NASA celebrates Earth Day. An artistic view of Earth (image credit: NASA) |
Climate and Energy
A 'SAFETY DEPOSIT MECHANISM' MECHANISM FOR US CLIMATE POLICY.
Bryan K Mignone. Climate Policy. 2010, pp. 232-238.
US policy makers are currently evaluating options to reduce domestic
carbon dioxide emissions, and several economy-wide cap-and-trade
proposals have been put forward in the 111th Congress. Despite
mounting enthusiasm for cap-and-trade, advocates of this approach
have had to defend such proposals against the criticisms that prices
in the resulting carbon market will be unstable and that the implied
costs of policy might exceed society's willingness to pay for the
expected environmental benefits. Allowance borrowing has been
proposed as one solution to both of these concerns, with firm-level
borrowing intended to mitigate the impacts of transient cost shocks,
and system-level borrowing intended to hedge against the risk of
early technology bottlenecks. Each of these mechanisms, as proposed,
relies upon prescribed constraints, such as interest payments or
quantity limits, to protect against overuse. This article introduces
a novel mechanism that offers qualitatively similar protection - a
firm-level deposit on borrowed allowances that is refundable upon
repayment of the emissions debt. However, the deposit mechanism is
shown to be both more economically efficient and more effective in
mitigating performance risk, when compared to the existing
alternatives.
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THE IMPACT OF THE UNILATERAL EU COMMITMENT
ON THE STABILITY OF INTERNATIONAL CLIMATE AGREEMENTS.
Thierry Bréchet, Johan Eyckmans, François Gerard, Philippe Marbaix,
et al. Climate Policy. 2010, var. pp.
The negotiation strategy of the European Union was analysed with
respect to the formation of an international climate agreement for
the post-2012 era. Game theory was employed to explore the
incentives for key players in the climate policy arena to join
future climate agreements. A -20% unilateral commitment strategy by
the EU was compared with a multilateral -30% emission reduction
strategy for all Annex-B countries. Using a numerical integrated
assessment climate-economy simulation model, we found that leakage,
in the sense of strategic policy reactions on emissions, was
negligible. The EU strategy to reduce emissions by 30% (compared
with 1990 levels) by 2020, if other Annex-B countries follow suit,
does not induce the participation of the USA with a comparable
reduction commitment. However, we argue that the original EU
proposal can be reshaped so as to stabilize a larger and more
ambitious climate coalition than the Kyoto Protocol in its first
commitment period.
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INTEGRATION OF ENVIRONMENTAL CONCERNS
IN A TRANS-ATLANTIC PERSPECTIVE: THE CASE OF RENEWABLE ELECTRICIIY. Jørgen K. Knudsen, Review of Policy
Research, Mar 2010, pp. 127-146.
The issue of integrating environmental
concerns into energy policy decision making is increasingly
addressed, not least related to climate change. Although the United
States, unlike the EU, did not sign the Kyoto Protocol, several U.S.
states promote renewable electricity (RES-E), and some of these
initiatives are linked to climate-change mitigation efforts. The
present article assesses in this connection the six New England
states of the United States, comparing their efforts of integrating
RES-E with climate change to the Nordic countries in Europe. In
order to explain different approaches, the article focuses on
the importance of different EU and U.S. multilevel governing
structures. The analysis indicates that the New England states’
RES-E promotion thus far has not been substantially integrated with
climate-change concerns, whereas in the EU’s more top-down approach,
climate change figures more prominently vis-à-vis RES-E. EU policies
represent an increasingly important driver for the Nordic countries.
In the United States, on the other hand, it remains an open question
as to how future federal policy efforts will
relate to existing policies at the state level.
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THE TROUBLE WITH HIGH-SPEED RAIL. Liam Julian,
Policy Review, April/May 2010, pp. 3-13. On the morning of April 16, 2009, President Obama, flanked by the
vice president and the secretary of transportation, announced a plan
to devote $8 billion of his economic recovery package (the
stimulus), plus another $1 billion a year for five years, to fund
high-speed rail corridors across the nation. “Imagine whisking
through towns at speeds over 100 miles an hour, walking only a few
steps to public transportation, and ending up just blocks from your
destination,” the president said. “Imagine what a great project that
would be to rebuild America.”
Nine months later, in January of this year, the administration
specified where and how those billions of high-speed rail dollars
would be allotted. The biggest winners were two long-planned
bullet-train routes: One in Florida, designed to span the 80 miles
between Tampa and Orlando, which took in $1.25 billion of federal
money; and the other in California, a proposed system that would
eventually connect Sacramento, San Francisco, Los Angeles, and San
Diego, which collected $2.3 billion. The highly traveled Northeast
Corridor route that currently stretches from Washington, D.C., to
Boston received only $112 million.
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EXAMINING NUCLEAR ENERGY AS A PANACEA
FOR FUTURE ENERGY NEEDS. Allison MacFarlane, Environment,
March/April 2010, pp. 34-46. Each week seems to
bring further evidence that the Earth is warming at a faster rate
than previously estimated. Pressure is building to replace
power sources that emit carbon dioxide with those that do not. It is
in this "climate" that nuclear energy is getting a second look. Once
relegated to the junk heap after the Three Mile Island and Chernobyl
disasters brought the dangers associated with nuclear power to
everyone's attention, nuclear power may now be undergoing a
"renaissance," as the nuclear industry likes to say.
Environmentalists such as Stewart Brand, originator of the Whole
Earth Catalog, and Patrick Moore of Greenpeace have started pushing
nuclear power as a ready solution to the modern problem of
electricity production.
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BUILDING A GREEN ECONOMY. Paul Krugman, New York Times Magazine,
April 5, 2010, var. pages. "If you listen to climate scientists —
and despite the relentless campaign to discredit their work, you
should — it is long past time to do something about emissions of
carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases. If we continue with
business as usual, they say, we are facing a rise in global
temperatures that will be little short of apocalyptic. And to avoid
that apocalypse, we have to wean our economy from the use of fossil
fuels, coal above all."
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AfPak
MAN VERSUS AFGHANISTAN. Robert D. Kaplan,
The Atlantic, April
2010, var. pages. "Divided by geography, cursed by corruption, stunted by poverty,
staggered by a growing insurgency—Afghanistan seems beyond
salvation. Is it? From Somalia and the Balkans to Iraq, the U.S.
military has been embroiled in conflicts that reflect an age-old
debate: Can individual agency triumph over deep-seated historical,
cultural, ethnic, and economic forces? Drawing on his experiences in
Iraq, the commander of U.S. and NATO forces in Afghanistan, Stanley McChrystal, has his own answer to that question."
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HOW A BOTCHED US ALLIANCE FED PAKISTAN's
CRISIS. Stephen P. Cohen, Current History, April 2010, pp.
138-143. "The sense of being used, abused, and discarded
now constitutes a central theme in Pakistan’s ties to America."
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China
THE NEXT EMPIRE. Howard W. French, The
Atlantic, May 2010, var. pages. "From oil in Algeria to zinc in Gabon to copper in the Congo, China
is muscling in on natural resources all across Africa on a massive
scale. Will it succeed in easing poverty where Western aid has
failed? Or will it become the continent’s latest colonial overlord?"
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CHINA'S HEALTH DIPLOMACY IN AFRICA. Jeremy Youde, China: An International Journal, March 2010, pp.
151-163. "In recent years, Africa has regained a level of
prominence in China's overall foreign policy strategy. Health
diplomacy helps pave the way for Chinese oil companies to win mining
rights for oil, platinum and other natural resources. However, a
successful soft power strategy will need to consider public opinion
and provide a means for connecting the health diplomacy with the
larger goals."
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STATUS SEEKERS: CHINESE AND RUSSIAN
RESPONSES TO U.S. PRIMACY. Deborah Welch Larson and Alexei
Shevchenko, International Security, Spring 2010, pp. 63-95.
The United States needs support from other states to carry out
global governance, particularly from rising powers such as China and
Russia. Securing cooperation from China and Russia poses special
problems, however, because neither state is part of the liberal
Western community, ruling out appeals to common values and norms.
Nevertheless, an alternative approach that is rooted in appreciation
of China's and Russia's heightened status concerns may be viable.
Since the end of the Cold War, Chinese and Russian foreign policy
has been shaped by the goal of restoring both countries' great power
status, which received major blows after China's Tiananmen Square
repression and the Soviet Union's breakup and loss of empire. This
desire for status can be explained by social identity theory, which
argues that social groups strive for a distinctive, positive
identity.
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Muslim Issues
SUPER MUSLIMS: CAN THE HEROES OF THE 99
SAVE ISLAM FROM MISUNDERSTANDING? Suzy Hansen, The Atlantic,
May 2010, var. pages. "Naif al-Mutawa, creator of The 99,
discusses the international cast of superheroes who populate his
Islam-themed stories."
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DO MUSLIMS VOTE ISLAMIC? Charles Kurzman
and Ijlal Naqvi, Journal of Democracy, pp. 50-63.
"Those who warn against efforts to promote free elections in
Muslim-majority countries often point to the threat posed by Islamic
parties that stand ready to use democracy against itself. But what
does the record really show regarding the ability of Islamic parties
to win over Muslim voters?
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Financial Markets and the Economy
FROM GREAT DEPRESSION TO GREAT CREDIT
CRISIS: SIMILARITIES, DIFFERENCES AND LESSONS.
Miguel Almunia, Agustın Bénétrix, Barry Eichengreen, Kevin H.
O’Rourke and Gisela Rua, Economic Policy, April 2010, pp.
219–265. The Great Depression of the 1930s and the
Great Credit Crisis of the 2000s had similar causes but elicited
strikingly different policy responses. While it remains too early to
assess the effectiveness of current policy, it is possible to
analyse monetary and fiscal responses in the 1930s as a natural
experiment or counterfactual capable of shedding light on the impact
of current policies. We employ vector autoregressions, instrumental
variables, and qualitative evidence
for 27 countries in the period 1925–39. The results suggest that
monetary and fiscal stimulus was effective – that where it did not
make a difference it was not tried. They shed light on the debate
over fiscal multipliers in episodes of financial crisis. They are
consistent with multipliers at the higher end of those estimated in
the recent literature, and with the argument that the impact of
fiscal stimulus will be greater when banking systems are
dysfunctional and monetary policy is constrained by the zero bound.
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CAN WELFARE STATES BE SUSTAINED IN A
GLOBAL ECONOMY? LESSONS FROM SCANDINAVIA.
Eric S. Einhorn, John Logue, Political Science Quarterly,
Spring 2010, pp. 1-29. The last 20 years have not
been kind to the “European social model,” that is, the inclusive
welfare states of Western Europe that protected the vulnerable and
provided extensive guarantees to working people. Universal and
largely free health care, good pensions, paid vacations, sick leave,
job security, free higher education, and the rest of the European
social model are attractive to European citizens. They are a source
of social protection for the individual and of social cohesion for
European societies. Indeed, the European social model is a major
source of legitimacy for the whole European Union (EU). But many
economists hold the model to be too inflexible and too expensive for
the dog-eat-dog world of the post-Cold War period. Moreover, the
“Great Recession” of 2008 has savagely impacted Europe and changed
at least the short-term economic prospects for social policies. The
new economic “world is flat,” as Thomas Friedman says, and the
rising tide of products and services from low-wage producers in
China and India, ordered
by large Western multinationals, threatens to swamp the industrial
high-wage, high-benefit workers and plants of the United States and
Europe and the welfare state programs that depend on them. Financial
resources and services are global, but so are the crises.
Globalization continues, but under very different geopolitical and
policy premises.
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Internet - Free Speech- Journalism - Democracy
DEMOCRACY AND DEEP DIVIDES. Nathan Glazer,
Journal of Democracy, April 2010, pp. 5-19. "How do democracies deal with the deep divisions created by race,
ethnicity, religion, and language? The cases of Canada, India, and
the United States show that democratic institutions—notably,
competitive elections and independent judiciaries—can bridge divides
and build stability, but they must find a way to manage the tension
between individual and group equality."
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"RIPPLE EFFECTS" IN YOUTH
PEACEBUILDING AND EXCHANGE PROGRAMS:
MEASURING IMPACTS BEYOND DIRECT PARTICIPANTS. Julie Cencula Olberding
and Douglas J. Olberding, International Studies Perspectives,
February 2010, pp. 75-91. "A number of organizations have
a mission of encouraging peace throughout the world by enhancing
young people's knowledge and understanding of other countries and
cultures. One strategy used to further this mission is international
or intercultural exchange programs. Most evaluations of exchange
programs gather data only from the direct participants who traveled
to another country. But these programs have the potential to have
impacts that expand beyond the direct participants—or "ripple
effects." Thus, a more appropriate methodology to evaluate exchange
programs is "360-degree feedback," which gathers data from multiple
sources. This study uses 360-degree feedback to evaluate a youth
peacebuilding and exchange program by gathering data not only from
the exchange students but also from chaperones, host families, and
students and teachers in the host school. ANOVA analyses finds that
the program had positive impacts on the exchange students and, in
many cases, even greater ripple effects on indirect participants."
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AUTHORITARIANISM VS. THE INTERNET. Daniel Calingaert,
Policy Review, April/May 2010, pp. 63-75.
In the heady days following the disputed June 12, 2009, presidential
election in Iran, images of protests against election fraud were
captured on mobile phone cameras and sent via the internet by
ordinary citizens to the outside world. While reporters from major
international media were forced to leave the country or were holed
up in their hotel rooms, short messages sent by Twitter and videos
posted on YouTube filled the gap in information. Thus, at a time
when the Iranian government was trying to hide the protests from
television and newspaper reporters, the internet provided a window
for audiences outside the country to see what was going on inside
and gave Iranians a way to tell the world at large what was
happening to them.
The internet in Iran is, however, subject to harsh controls, just as
other walks of life are. Government restrictions on bandwidth make
uploads of photos and videos very slow. Transmissions of text
messages on mobile phones were blocked for three weeks following the
June 12th presidential election, and government disruption of social
networking sites such as Facebook further impeded the ability of
Iranians to share information and to organize protests. Moreover,
the government has conducted surveillance on internet
communications, and that surveillance may have contributed to the
arrests of dissidents.
READ MORE
REPRESSION GOES DIGITAL. Joel Simon, Columbia Journalism
Review, March/April 2010, var. pp.
The Internet provides avenues for journalism and free speech, but it
has also become a chokepoint for free press as oppressive
governments exploit vulnerable areas in the information environment.
Iran, Burma, China, Vietnam
and Tunisia are governments which deny Internet access, practice
censorship, or use monitoring technology to identify and persecute
activists; Nokia Siemens, a Finnish-German joint venture, has sold
Iran such technology. The
author lauds Google’s recent stand in China to refuse to comply with
government censorship. Broad
international coalitions of journalists and others -– including
governments -– concerned about press freedom are important to
maintain pressure on repressive governments to ensure dissident
voices continue to be heard.
READ MORE
NEWS & THE NEWS
MEDIA IN THE DIGITAL AGE: IMPLICATIONS FOR DEMOCRACY.
Herbert J. Gans, Daedalus,
Spring 2010, pp. 8–17. Modern American
journalism considers itself a “bulwark of democracy.” Journalists
argue that they report the news so that the citizenry can inform
itself and participate in the “conversation” that journalists
believe is crucial to a democracy. According to what might be called
bulwark theory, being informed also enables citizens to participate
in politics, choose their political representatives, and instruct
them on how they want to be represented. The theory expresses
journalism’s
noblest democratic ideals, but it could stand some rethinking. Being
informed is neither a motive nor a requirement for talking about or
participating in politics. How well most citizens are informed is a
debatable question, and since politics is a divisive conversational
topic, precious few participate in the democratic conversation. Some
citizens do, but some of them shout and scream. In reality, most
political conversing, including that which is heard by elected
of½cials, comes from journalists, commentators,
panel talk shows, and journalist bloggers. And it is the news media
themselves that offer up the public outlet for this continuing
conversation.
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U.S. Society & Values
RELIGION, DIVORCE, AND THE MISSING
CULTURE WAR IN AMERICA. Mark
A. Smith, Political Science Quarterly, Spring 2010 , pp.
57-85. In his speech to the Republican National
Convention in 1992, Patrick Buchanan seized the pulpit to proclaim
that Americans were fighting an intense culture war. This was a
struggle “for the soul of America,” Buchanan
declared, “as critical to the kind of nation we will one day be as
was the Cold War itself.” Just a year earlier, sociologist James
Davison Hunter had written of a culture war waged between those with
orthodox and progressive worldviews. 2 With one side believing in a
fixed and transcendent authority, and the other invoking human
reason as the guide to morality, conflict invariably engulfed a
range of political issues. Considering the context of incendiary
debates over public funding for the arts, the legality of abortion,
civil rights for gays and lesbians, and teaching evolution in public
school classrooms, Hunter's analysis
seemed an accurate description of American politics in the 1980s and
1990s. Subsequent research by social scientists, however, cast doubt
on that vision of America as marked by contentious battles between
contending worldviews. Surveys and interviews revealed the American
public to be far less divided, even on controversial issues like
abortion and homosexuality, than the culture war metaphor would
predict.
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AMERICA INSECURE: CHANGES IN THE
ECONOMIC SECURITY OF AMERICAN FAMILIES. Gregory Acs, and Austin
Nichols. The Urban Institute. Web posted March 24, 2010,
var. pp. This paper synthesizes
findings from a series of Urban Institute reports produced under the
"Risk and Low-Income Working Families" research initiative funded by
the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur and Annie E. Casey
Foundations. The paper places this research in the broader context
of literature on economic mobility and income volatility. The report
is structured around two key questions: (1) How have economic
instability and insecurity changed for America's low-income working
families changed over time? and (2) What are the factors that
contribute to or offer protection from substantial income losses and
promote or inhibit recoveries from such losses?. Gregory Acs and
Austin Nichols are both Senior Research Associates in The Urban
Institute's Income and Benefits Policy Center.
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BEATING OBESITY. Marc Ambinder, The
Atlantic, May 2010, var. pages. "By 2015, four out of 10 Americans may be obese. Until last year, the
author was one of them. The way he lost one-third of his weight
isn’t for everyone. But unless America stops cheering The Biggest
Loser and starts getting serious about preventing obesity, the
country risks being overwhelmed by chronic disease and ballooning
health costs. Will first lady Michelle Obama’s new plan to fight
childhood obesity work, or is it just another false start in the
country’s long and so far unsuccessful war against fat?"
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REVISING NO CHILD LEFT BEHIND: CAN OBAMA'S
BLUEPRINT FIX BUSH'S EDUCATION POLICIES? Kenneth Jost, The CQ
Researcher, April 16, 2010, pp. 337-370. "President
Obama is proposing a substantial overhaul of the No Child Left
Behind Act, the controversial centerpiece of George W. Bush's
educational policy. Both liberal and conservative critics say the
eight-year-old law has hurt education by overemphasizing
standardized tests and unfairly labeling schools as underperforming
without providing help to improve. Obama wants to focus federal
enforcement on the lowest-performing schools, which could be
required to fire staff, convert to charter schools or close
altogether. He also wants to hold teachers more accountable for
student performance. State policymakers and many experts are
welcoming the proposed changes, but the powerful teachers' unions
say firing teachers is unfair and ineffective in raising student
achievement. Obama also wants states to adopt national 'core
standards' developed by the states' governors and education chiefs."
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