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Chinese and U.S. national flags flutter on a lamppost on the
Tiananmen Square to welcome the visit of U.S. President Barack Obama
in Beijing, China, 17 November 2009. (Imaginechina via AP Images) |
U.S.-China Relations
U.S.-China Relations:
Is a future confrontation looming? Roland Flamini, The CQ
Researcher, May 7, 2010, pp. 409-432. "Disputes that have bedeviled relations between the United States and
China for decades flared up again following President Obama's
decision to sell weapons to Taiwan and receive Tibet's revered Dalai
Lama. From the U.S. perspective, China's refusal to raise the value
of its currency is undermining America's — and Europe's — economic
recovery. Beijing also rebuffed Obama's proposal of 'a partnership
on the big global issues of our time.' In addition, the Chinese
insist on tackling their pollution problems in their own way, and
have been reluctant to support U.S. diplomatic efforts to impose
tough sanctions on nuclear-minded Iran. With the central bank of
China holding more than $800 billion of the U.S. national debt in
the form of Treasury notes, and their economy speeding along at a 9
percent growth rate, the Chinese are in no mood to be accommodating."
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The Geography of Chinese Power. Robert D. Kaplan, Foreign
Affairs, May-June 2010, var. pages. "Thanks to the country’s favorable location on the map, China's influence
is expanding on land and at sea, from Central Asia to the South
China Sea and from the Russian Far East to the Indian Ocean."
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China’s Perspective on a Nuclear-Free World.
Hui Zhang, The Washington Quarterly, April 2010, pp. 139-155.
"Beijing believes that all nuclear states should adopt a no-first-use
policy and redefine the role of nuclear weapons in their national
security doctrines. Although China stands ready to support the
nuclear-free agenda, it is up to the two countries with the
overwhelming number of the world’s warheads to take the lead."
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Think Again: China Military. Drew Thompson, Foreign Policy,
Mar/Apr 2010, pp. 86-90. "After two decades of massive military spending to modernize its
armed forces, amounting to hundreds of billions of dollars, China
increasingly has the ability to challenge the US in its region, if
not yet outside it. But the ability to project force tells people
very little about China's willingness to use it. Certainly, China
has made moves over the last few years that have stoked the
China-is-a-dangerous-threat crowd in Washington. In May 2008,
satellite imagery revealed that China had constructed a massive
subterranean naval base on the southern island of Hainan, presumably
a staging point to launch naval operations into the Pacific. But
it's probably too soon for Americans to panic. Many experts who've
looked closely at the matter agree that China today simply does not
have the military capability to challenge the US in the Pacific.
Arguably, the more significant figure for comparison is defense
spending. Here the People's Liberation Army lags far behind the
Pentagon."
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The United States and Asia in 2009:
Public Diplomacy and Strategic Continuity. François Godement,
Asian Survey,
Jan/Feb 2010, pp. 8-24. "In crafting an Asia policy during the first year of his presidency,
Obama has faced the
dilemma of continuing much of his predecessor’s policies while
answering public
expectations for change. A military surge in Afghanistan after a
long debate, an attempt
to enhance strategic cooperation with China, a disappointing result
for climate
change policies, a better disposition toward regional organizations,
and a growing
concern with the course of Japan’s alliance policy have been the
main threads of a
deeply pragmatic approach."
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Russia
Generational Change and the Future of U.S.-Russian
Relations.
Jeffrey Mankoff. Journal of International
Affairs, Spring 2010, pp. 1-17.
The Cold War has now been over for nearly two decades. In
that time, a whole generation has grown up, both in the US and
Russia, with no memory of the conflict that defined world politics
for half a century. For much of the foreign policy elite in both
Washington and Moscow, the Cold War remains the prism through which
US-Russian relations are filtered, largely because that elite gained
its reputation and experience in an era when the entire panoply of
foreign policy was based on the East and West struggle. It is clear
that the younger generation in both Russia and the US view their
bilateral relationship through a vastly different prism than the one
employed by their elders. Despite their increasing openness to
globalization and ambition to improve their own standard of living,
Russia's youth are generally unsympathetic to the West and
increasingly beholden to a narrow conception of Russian nationalism.
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Russia, Ukraine, and Central Europe:
The Return of Geopolitics. F Stephen Larrabee, Journal of
International Affairs. Spring 2010, pp. 33-53.
Nov 9, 2009, marked the 20th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin
Wall, effectively marking the end of the Cold War. The collapse of
the Berlin Wall, however, unleashed an incomplete process of
integration and political transformation and left a band of states
on Russia's Western periphery without a clear political future or
clear foreign policy attachment. This band of states includes
Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova, and Belarus. This article focuses on the
changing security dynamics in Central Europe and the Western
periphery of the post-Soviet space. The first section examines
Russia's resurgence and the challenges it poses. The second section
focuses on Ukraine's transition, while the third section discusses
the impact of Russia's resurgence on Central and Eastern Europe. The
fourth section examines the increasing cooperation between Russia
and Germany. The fifth section analyzes the changing context of NATO
enlargement. The final section discusses the implications of these
trends for US policy.
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Europe
The EU as a Global Actor: Grand
Strategy for a Global Grand Bargain? Jolyon Howorth, Journal of
Common Market Studies, June 2010, pp 455-474.
Like it or not, the European Union, in the wake of Lisbon,
has become an international actor. It now faces two major external
challenges. The first is to develop a strategic vision for a
potentially tumultuous emerging multi-polar world. The European
Council’s December 2008 ‘Report on the Implementation of the
European Security Strategy’ recognized that, over the last five
years, the threats facing the EU had become ‘increasingly complex’,
that ‘we must be ready to shape events [by] becoming more strategic
in our thinking’. The second challenge is to help nudge the other
major actors towards a multilateral global grand bargain. Such a
bargain will be the necessary outcome of the transition from a
US-dominated post-1945 liberal world order, towards a new
21st-century order accommodating the rising powers and sensitive to
the needs of the global south. Without such a comprehensive and
co-operative bargain, the emerging multi-polar world will be rife
with tensions and highly conflict-prone.
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War and Consequences
Foreign Aid Versus Military Intervention in the War on Terror.
Jean-Paul Azam & Véronique Thelen, Journal of Conflict Resolution, April 2010, Pages 237-261.
"This article presents a theoretical framework and some empirical
results showing that the level of foreign aid received reduces the
supply of terrorist attacks from recipient countries, while U.S.
military interventions are liable to increase this supply. Due
account is taken of endogeneity problems in producing these results.
They suggest that Western democracies, which are the main targets of
terrorist attacks, should invest more funds in foreign aid, with a
special emphasis on supporting education, and use military
interventions more sparingly."
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Caring for Veterans: Does the VA adequately serve wounded vets?
Peter Kate, The CQ Researcher, April 23, 2010, var. pages.
"Battle-scarred veterans often spend more time waiting for decisions
from the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) on their disability
claims than they spent at war. At least 500,000 veterans have waited
an average of six months for a decision on a disability claim and
another 200,000 have waited an average of five years for a decision
on an appeal. New VA Secretary Eric Shinseki — himself a disabled
Vietnam vet — vows to unblock the huge claims backlog, but it may
take until 2015. That's partly because the VA has expanded the
number of compensation-worthy illnesses from the Vietnam War.
Veterans' organizations laud Shinseki but disagree over how deeply
VA changes should run. Meanwhile, lawmakers in Congress are close to
passing legislation to compensate relatives and friends caring for
veterans with catastrophic, lifelong disabilities such as traumatic
brain injuries arising from improvised explosive devices — the
devastating homemade bombs that are the hallmark of the wars in Iraq
and Afghanistan."
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The Myth of a Kinder, Gentler War.
Michael A. Cohen, World Policy Journal, Spring 2010, pp. 75–86.
"Shortly after he assumed command of all US and NATO troops
in Afghanistan, Lt. Gen. Stanley McChrystal provided his soldiers
with operational guidance for fighting insurgent Taliban forces.
McChrystal's words directly reflect the Pentagon's new model of US
warfare and inform the philosophy behind the current US military
escalation in Afghanistan: 'The ongoing insurgency must be met with
a counterinsurgency campaign adapted to the unique conditions in
each area that: protects the Afghan people, allowing them to choose
a future they can be proud of, provides a secure environment
allowing good government and economic development to undercut the
causes and advocates of insurgency.' Here, Cohen elaborates the myth
of this aimed kinder and gentle war for the Taliban forces."
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Helping Others Defend Themselves. Robert M. Gates, Foreign Affairs,
May-June 2010, var. pages. "In coming years, the greatest threats to the United States are
likely to emanate from states that cannot adequately govern
themselves or secure their own territory. The U.S. government must
improve its ability to help its partners defend themselves or, if
necessary, fight alongside U.S. troops."
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A Flawed and Dangerous U.S. Missile Defense
Plan. George N. Lewis and Theodore A. Postol, Arms Control Today,
May 2010, var. pages. "On September 17, 2009, the Obama
administration announced that it would shelve the Bush
administration’s European missile defense system and replace it with
an entirely new missile defense architecture. Less than five months
later, in February, the Obama administration produced an extensive
elaboration of the September decision in a document called the
Ballistic Missile Defense Review Report. The report asserts that
ballistic missile defense technologies have already produced a
reliable and robust defense of the United States against limited
intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) attacks. In fact, as this
article will show, the most recent ballistic missile defense
flight-test data released by the Department of Defense and the most
recent failed test of the ground-based missile defense system in
January show quite the opposite."
READ
MORE
Financial Markets and the Economy
A Bretton Woods moment? The 2007–2008
crisis and the future of global finance. Eric Helleiner,
International Affairs, May 2010, pp 619-636.
The 2007–2008 global financial crisis
encouraged speculation about the prospects for a 'Bretton Woods
moment' in which the global financial system would be radically
redesigned. Many of those hoping for this outcome have since become
disillusioned with the limited nature of the international financial
reform agenda. But the success and innovation of the Bretton Woods
conference was made possible by unique political conditions that are
not present today, notably concentrated power in the state system; a
transnational expert consensus; and wartime conditions. Moreover, a
close reading of history reveals that the Bretton Woods system did
not emerge from a single moment but rather from a much more extended
historical process. If a new international financial system is being
born today, it will be a slower and more incremental development
process that can be divided into four phases: a legitimacy crisis;
an interregnum; a constitutive phase; and an implementation phase.
Viewed from this perspective, post-crisis developments look more
significant. The crisis of 2007–2008 has already intensified twin
legitimacy crises relating to international financial policy and
leadership. It has also generated an international reform initiative
that has been unusual for its speed and internationally coordinated
nature. Many of the details of this reform initiative remain
unresolved and its content and breadth are hotly contested in
various ways. We thus find ourselves in more of an interregnum than
a constitutive phase. It remains unclear how quickly, if at all, the
latter might emerge and in what form.
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Who is in
control of the international monetary system? Paola
Subacchi,
International Affairs, May 2010, pp. 665–680.
Although the financial and economic
crisis did not directly hit the international monetary system, it
has lead to the rethinking of the overall architecture that
underpins the world economy. Can the current system of floating
currency blocs with dollar-based trade and reserves withstand the
strains of the global adjustment ahead? It is time to consider
alternatives. This article argues that the existing system needs to
evolve into a multicurrency one in which a number of international
currencies, ideally representing the main trading areas, have the
function of storing value and providing the unit of measure. A
multicurrency system would respond more flexibly to the demand for
liquidity and would provide a way to diversify the accumulation of
reserve assets. It is also more appropriate for the increasingly
multipolar world economy. The article
discusses how in today's larger and more integrated world economy
the dependence on the dollar as the basis of both trade flows and
financial reserves has become excessive, creating some fundamental
imbalances.
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Energy/Climate Change
Russia and Europe's Mutual Energy
Dependence. Christophe-Alexandre
Paillard. Journal of International Affairs.
Spring 2010. pp. 65-85. In
the field of energy, Europe will be confronted with various risks in
the next twenty years. Most notably, there is no clear alternative
to fossil energy on a large scale with the possible exception of
nuclear energy; yet few countries are able to pay for the large
investment required by a nuclear industry. The need to ensure
greater energy security and better regulation of energy supplies
will turn energy policy into a much more politicized issue. Energy,
already an important security concern, will continue to shape future
military and political relations, especially if there is no other
option other than oil and gas to satiate growing demand. To
understand the tricky energy relationship between Europe and Russia,
one must first understand Gazprom, the three main east-west gas
pipeline projects currently underway, and the Russian oil and gas
industries. Whatever the Russian attitude is, its strategy will
influence European energy policies on oil and gas.
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The Global Expansion of Russia's
Energy Giants. Nina Poussenkova. Journal of International
Affairs. Spring 2010. Vol. 63, Iss. 2; p. 103-125.
In any economy, oil and gas companies are
tightly linked with the government. In petro-states such as Russia,
they are so closely connected that they are sometimes
indistinguishable. This symbiotic relationship is particularly
strong in the global expansion of Russian energy corporations such
as Gazprom, LUKOIL and Rosneft, which is guided by a tangled web of
commercial and political motives. Under socialism, when the
petroleum resources of the country seemed limitless, geopolitical
considerations drove Soviet energy expansion abroad. Oil exports are
relatively flexible in contrast to gas exports, where producers and
consumers are inextricably linked by a pipeline which can serve as a
geopolitical tool. Though in the 2000s LUKOIL ceded its status as
the Russian oil industry flagship to Rosneft, it continued to lead
in international upstream expansion. During the 2000s, with the
growing nationalization of the energy sector and attempts by
Russia's leadership to reestablish its former global might via its
control over energy resources, political aspirations have been
gaining importance.
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Democracy,
Human Rights and Foreign Aid
The Ballot and the Badge: Democratic Policing.
Michael D. Wiatrowski and Jack A. Goldstone,
Journal of Democracy, April
2010, pp. 79-92.
"In emerging democracies and postconflict countries, improved
policing is almost always urgently required. Yet
international-assistance efforts in this area pay almost no
attention to the crucial need to ensure that the new-model police
are not only effective, but democracy-friendly."
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More Aid Is Not the Answer. Jonathan Glennie, Current History, May 2010,
pp. 205-209.
“Most analysts on the continent do not share donor nations’ optimism
that a big push in aid will make a big difference in the lives of
poor Africans.”
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Ending Sexual Violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Gaëlle Breton-Le Goff, The Fletcher Forum of World Affairs,
Winter 2010, pp. 13-40. "Over the last fifteen years, the Great Lakes Region has been the
theater of numerous bloody conflicts. Sexual violence, specifically,
has occurred in many countries, particularly in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo (DRC), where such violence has been so
pervasive that it is hardly possible to estimate its extent."
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The Strategic Substitution of United States Foreign Aid. Christopher
J. Fariss, Foreign Policy Analysis, April 2010 pp. 107-131.
The author presents "a foreign policy decision-making theory that
accounts for why US food aid is used strategically when other more
powerful economic aid tools are at the disposal of policymakers. He
focuses his analysis on US food aid because this aid program
provides an excellent case with which to test for the existence of
foreign policy substitution. Substitution is an important assumption
of many foreign policy theories yet proves to be an allusive
empirical phenomenon to observe. Central to this analysis is the
identification of legal mechanisms such as the 'needy people'
provision in the US foreign aid legislation that legally restrict
certain types of aid; this mechanism, however, does allow for the
allocation of certain types of foreign aid, such as food aid, to
human rights abusing regimes."
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And Justice for
All. Gary Haugen, Victor Boutros, Foreign Affairs, May/Jun 2010.
var. pp. For a poor
person in the developing world, the struggle for human rights is not
an abstract fight over political freedoms or over the prosecution of
large-scale war crimes but a matter of daily survival. Efforts by
the modern human rights movement over the last 60 years have
contributed to the criminalization of such abuses in nearly every
country. Without functioning public justice systems to deliver the
protections of the law to the poor, the legal reforms of the modern
human rights movement rarely improve the lives of those who need
them most. In a June 2008 report, the United Nations estimated that
four billion people live outside the protection of the rule of law.
Few, if any, international human rights or development organizations
focus on building public justice systems that work for the poor. The
modern human rights movement must enter into a new era, shifting its
focus from legal reform to law enforcement.
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Immigration
Census Controversy. Should undocumented
immigrants be counted? By Thomas J. Billitteri. CQ Researcher,
May 14, 2010, pp. 433-456. "Now under way, the
2010 census has sparked bitter partisanship. Some conservative
Republicans, for example, have criticized the census as an
unconstitutional intrusion on privacy; others warn that census
participation is important for maintaining GOP power, since the
count is used to apportion congressional seats and allocate federal
money to cities and states. Liberal Democrats have been more
supportive of census procedures, which for the first time will count
same-sex couples. To raise response rates, the Census Bureau sent
every household the same brief 10-question form and dropped use of
the “long form” — a lengthy questionnaire seeking data on housing,
transportation, education and income. The long form has been
replaced by a separate, ongoing monthly survey that will provide
timelier data, but from a smaller sample of households. Researchers
generally hail the change but say it will cause some problems, at
least initially."
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Growing Diversity among America's Children and Youth: Spatial and
Temporal Dimensions.
Kenneth M. Johnson and Daniel T. Lichter, Population and Development Review, March 2010,
pp. 151-176. "This study documents the changing racial and ethnic mix of America's
children. Specifically, we focus on the unusually rapid shifts in
the composition and changing spatial distribution of America's young
people between 2000 and 2008. Minorities grew to 43 percent of all
children and youth, up from 38.5 percent only eight years earlier.
In 1990, this figure stood at 33 percent. Among 0–4-year-olds, 47
percent of all children were minority in 2008. Changes in racial and
ethnic composition are driven by two powerful demographic forces.
The first is the rapid increase since 2000 in the number of minority
children—with Hispanics accounting for 80 percent of the growth. The
second is the absolute decline in the number of non-Hispanic white
children and youth. The growth of minority children and racial
diversity is distributed unevenly over geographical space. Over 500
(or roughly 1 in 6) counties now have majority-minority youth
populations. Broad geographic areas of America nevertheless remain
mono-racial, where only small shares of minorities live."
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See No Spanish? Language, Local Context, and Attitudes toward
Immigration. Daniel J. Hopkins, Van C. Tran and Abigail Fisher
Williamson, May 12, 2010, var. pages. "Certain explanations of
Americans’ immigration attitudes emphasize threats to national
identity and culture. But we do not know the specific sources of
cultural threat, and we do not know whether it operates locally. In
case studies of new immigrant destinations, native-born residents
commonly voice concerns about the prevalence of Spanish, suggesting
that foreign languages might be one such source of threat.. A
previous version with additional experimental results on explicit
immigration appeals is available
here."
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